There are a lot of myths and huge ignorance surrounding the formation of Andhra Pradesh. People generally assume that it was historically one through time. However, Andhra Pradesh witnessed many changes before it emerged as the first linguistic state on November 1, 1956. The years 1947 to 1956 were very crucial in the history of Andhra Pradesh. When India got independence on August 15, 1947, the three main regions of Andhra Pradesh – Coastal Andhra, Rayalaseema and Telangana were not part of Andhra Pradesh state.
Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema belonged
to Madras Presidency as a province of British India. Telangana was part
of Hyderabad state, which was an independent native Indian state.
Though, there were 568 native Indian states, Hyderabad State was the
most important native state and was administered directly by the
Governor General of India.
Hyderabad State
The area outlined in red color represents the Hyderabad state,
super imposed over today’s India map. Covering an area of around 82,600
square miles (212,000 km²), Hyderabad state was not only the largest
but also the most important native state of India, administered directly
by the Governor General of India. Hyderabad state included Telangana, 4
Kannada districts in Gulberga division & 4 Marathi districts in
Aurangabad division. It was liberated from Nizam rule in on 18
September, 1948 (for full details see Liberation of Hyderabad).
Until the end of 1949, Major-General
J.N.Chaudhuri was the Military Governor of Hyderabad. The government of
India appointed M. K. Vellodi as a Chief Minister of Hyderabad state in
26 January 1950 (Republic day) till 6th March 1952. After 1952 general
elections, Burgula Rama Krishna Rao took charge as Chief Minister of the
Hyderabad state.The ruler of Hyderabad State was considered the most senior or superior native Indian ruler. Hyderabad state included Telangana, 4 Kannada districts in Gulberga division & 4 Marathi districts in Aurangabad division.
There was a big difference between these
two regions. Unlike Madras Presidency, Hyderabad state was not under
direct British rule. The law of Madras Presidency rested upon the laws
passed by the British Parliament. In contrast, Hyderabad state had its
own law. English was the official language of Madras Presidency, where
as it was Urdu for Hyderabad state. Which means all records were kept
only in Urdu (for this reason the old land records are in Urdu). The
maintenance of all records in Urdu is symbolic of the differences
between the two vastly different administrative systems. Urdu was a
compulsory subject in Hyderabad state and almost all educated people
knew Urdu like people know English today.
Hyderabad state had its own financial, military, judicial, police, general, public works and revenue departments.
The administration of Rayalseema and
Coastal Andhra mostly followed the current system in India that was
derived from British administration systems. Whereas Hyderabad State
followed the Moghul administration systems (with changes made over
time).
Nizam wants Hyderabad State to be an independent country – refuses to join Indian Union
Though India got independence on 15th August 1947, till 18th September 1948 (i.e., 1 year, 1 month and 4 days later) it was not part of the Indian Union. The last Nizam of Hyderabad resisted Indian government’s efforts to merge Hyderabad state into the Indian Union. He even approached the United Nations for recognition of Hyderabad State as a separate country. Indian Union’s negotiations with the Nizam were abortive. The Nizam Government refused to accede his territory to Indian Union.
Though India got independence on 15th August 1947, till 18th September 1948 (i.e., 1 year, 1 month and 4 days later) it was not part of the Indian Union. The last Nizam of Hyderabad resisted Indian government’s efforts to merge Hyderabad state into the Indian Union. He even approached the United Nations for recognition of Hyderabad State as a separate country. Indian Union’s negotiations with the Nizam were abortive. The Nizam Government refused to accede his territory to Indian Union.
Coastal Andhra and Rayalseema are administered as part of Madras Presidency (1947-1952)
Meanwhile, after India became independent on August 15, 1947, Ramaswamy Reddiyar was the first Chief Minister of Madras state (Coastal Andhra and Rayalseema regions are part of Madras State). Poosapati Sanjeevi Kumarswamy Raja was the Chief Minister of Madras Presidency from April 6, 1949 to April 10, 1952. Madras State was the name by which Madras Presidency was known from January 26, 1950.
Meanwhile, after India became independent on August 15, 1947, Ramaswamy Reddiyar was the first Chief Minister of Madras state (Coastal Andhra and Rayalseema regions are part of Madras State). Poosapati Sanjeevi Kumarswamy Raja was the Chief Minister of Madras Presidency from April 6, 1949 to April 10, 1952. Madras State was the name by which Madras Presidency was known from January 26, 1950.
Merger of Hyderabad state into Indian Union
Government of India launched ‘Police Action’ code named ‘Operation Polo’ on September 13, 1948 against Nizam. Nizam’s forces surrendered within five days on 18 September 1948 and the merger of Hyderabad state into the Indian Union announced formally. For full details about the liberation of Hyderabad,
Government of India launched ‘Police Action’ code named ‘Operation Polo’ on September 13, 1948 against Nizam. Nizam’s forces surrendered within five days on 18 September 1948 and the merger of Hyderabad state into the Indian Union announced formally. For full details about the liberation of Hyderabad,
Liberation of Hyderabad State – a Medieval State Merged into a Modern Nation
India, the newly liberated country in
1947 was able to establish itself as a complete free country only after
the merger of the then Hyderabad state into the Indian Union. However,
the merger of Hyderabad state into Indian Union was not peaceful as its
ruler decided to join neither India nor Pakistan after the British left.
The Indian armed forces had to take military action against him to
merge Hyderabad with the Indian Union. The military action though called
as a police action (also called as Operation Polo), was literally a war
on the Hyderabad state.
When India got independence in 1947,
there were more than 560 Princely States in Indian sub-continent. Some
of them were Kashmir, Mysore, Junagad, Udaipur, Janjira, Aundh, Cochin
and Hyderabad.
The state of Hyderabad
The State of Hyderabad under the leadership of Mir Osman Ali Khan (7th and the last Nizam), was the largest of all the princely states in India. The Nizam was considered as the world’s richest man during that time (in 1937 Time magazine described him as the world’s richest man). Hyderabad was spread across a vast area (2,14,190 sq. kms). According to 1941 census, it was populated with more than 1 crore 60 lakh people of which a majority were Hindus (around 85%). Hyderabad State was well developed and had its own army, railway network, airline, telecommunication system, postal system, radio broadcasting service and even own currency.
The State of Hyderabad under the leadership of Mir Osman Ali Khan (7th and the last Nizam), was the largest of all the princely states in India. The Nizam was considered as the world’s richest man during that time (in 1937 Time magazine described him as the world’s richest man). Hyderabad was spread across a vast area (2,14,190 sq. kms). According to 1941 census, it was populated with more than 1 crore 60 lakh people of which a majority were Hindus (around 85%). Hyderabad State was well developed and had its own army, railway network, airline, telecommunication system, postal system, radio broadcasting service and even own currency.
Nizam declares independence
The then Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, Indian Home Minister, Sardar Patel and the governor general of India, Lord Mountbatten asked all these princely states to integrate with the Indian Union stating that it might become difficult for them to rule with the rapid and rising demand of democracy by the people. Despite the call given, the Nizam declared himself as independent. However, many of the princely states acceded into Indian Union. In the Nizam’s view, the concept of acceding the Hyderabad state to India or even to Pakistan was against his dignity. Even his own constitutional advisors including Walter Monckton (close friend of Lord Louis Mountbatten) could not convince him to integrate into the Indian Union. The Nizam declared on 15th August 1947 that Hyderabad would remain an independent state through a firman (decree).
The then Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, Indian Home Minister, Sardar Patel and the governor general of India, Lord Mountbatten asked all these princely states to integrate with the Indian Union stating that it might become difficult for them to rule with the rapid and rising demand of democracy by the people. Despite the call given, the Nizam declared himself as independent. However, many of the princely states acceded into Indian Union. In the Nizam’s view, the concept of acceding the Hyderabad state to India or even to Pakistan was against his dignity. Even his own constitutional advisors including Walter Monckton (close friend of Lord Louis Mountbatten) could not convince him to integrate into the Indian Union. The Nizam declared on 15th August 1947 that Hyderabad would remain an independent state through a firman (decree).
Kasim Razvi unfurls Asafia flag
Kasim Razvi, a politically powerful civilian leader and a close advisor of the Nizam, encouraged him to deny the accession of Hyderabad into Indian Union. Kasim Razvi unfurled the Asafia Flag and declared that the flag was the emblem of the suzerainty of God on the earth. Kasim Razvi on many occasions asserted that Hyderabad was always independent and it had no obligation to join the Indian Union.
Kasim Razvi, a politically powerful civilian leader and a close advisor of the Nizam, encouraged him to deny the accession of Hyderabad into Indian Union. Kasim Razvi unfurled the Asafia Flag and declared that the flag was the emblem of the suzerainty of God on the earth. Kasim Razvi on many occasions asserted that Hyderabad was always independent and it had no obligation to join the Indian Union.
Indian government’s unsuccessful negotiations with Nizam
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel requested the Government of Hyderabad to accede into India – Hyderabad being in the heart of the Indian Union. Many number of proposals made by the Government of India were rejected by the Nizam, Razvi and Mir Laiq Ali, the Prime Minister of Hyderabad. Sardar Patel approached Lord Mountbatten who advised him to resolve the issue without any violence. Accordingly, the Indian government offered ‘Standstill Agreement’ to Hyderabad assuring that no military action would be taken and his status quo would be maintained. This agreement gave Nizam and Kasim Razvi enough time to strengthen their armed forces and Razakars with modern weapons.
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel requested the Government of Hyderabad to accede into India – Hyderabad being in the heart of the Indian Union. Many number of proposals made by the Government of India were rejected by the Nizam, Razvi and Mir Laiq Ali, the Prime Minister of Hyderabad. Sardar Patel approached Lord Mountbatten who advised him to resolve the issue without any violence. Accordingly, the Indian government offered ‘Standstill Agreement’ to Hyderabad assuring that no military action would be taken and his status quo would be maintained. This agreement gave Nizam and Kasim Razvi enough time to strengthen their armed forces and Razakars with modern weapons.
Nizam prepares himself for the war
The Nizam made unsuccessful attempts to seek the President Harry S. Truman of USA and the United Nations to settle the dispute. The Nizam, who wanted independent nation or a dominion state with British, felt insecure and started strengthening his troops. The Hyderabad State Army was commanded by an Arab, Major General El Edroos. It consisted of 22,000 men split into three armoured regiments, a horse cavalry regiment, 11 infantry battalions and artillery. The forces also included irregular units with horse cavalry and a garrison battalion. In addition to these, there were about 2 lakh Razakars (Muslim civilians trained as soldiers) under the command of Kasim Razvi. Around 50 thousands of them were armed with modern small weapons and the remaining predominantly armed with swords and muzzle-loaders.
The Nizam made unsuccessful attempts to seek the President Harry S. Truman of USA and the United Nations to settle the dispute. The Nizam, who wanted independent nation or a dominion state with British, felt insecure and started strengthening his troops. The Hyderabad State Army was commanded by an Arab, Major General El Edroos. It consisted of 22,000 men split into three armoured regiments, a horse cavalry regiment, 11 infantry battalions and artillery. The forces also included irregular units with horse cavalry and a garrison battalion. In addition to these, there were about 2 lakh Razakars (Muslim civilians trained as soldiers) under the command of Kasim Razvi. Around 50 thousands of them were armed with modern small weapons and the remaining predominantly armed with swords and muzzle-loaders.
It is said that the Government of
Hyderabad received arms from the Portuguese administration based in Goa,
Sidney Cotton (an Australian arms trader) and Pakistan.
War in Kashmir
Meanwhile, Maharaja Hari Singh, the ruler of the princely state of Kashmir refused to accede to either Pakistan or India. When Pakistan invaded Kashmir in 1948, he sought help from the Indian government and agreed to accede Kashmir into the Indian Union. In order to rescue Kashmir, India sent troops to Kashmir. The date for the attack on Hyderabad was fixed as 13th September, even though the commander-in-chief (C in C), General Sir Roy Bucher warned that Hyderabad would be an additional war front after Kashmir for the Indian army.
Meanwhile, Maharaja Hari Singh, the ruler of the princely state of Kashmir refused to accede to either Pakistan or India. When Pakistan invaded Kashmir in 1948, he sought help from the Indian government and agreed to accede Kashmir into the Indian Union. In order to rescue Kashmir, India sent troops to Kashmir. The date for the attack on Hyderabad was fixed as 13th September, even though the commander-in-chief (C in C), General Sir Roy Bucher warned that Hyderabad would be an additional war front after Kashmir for the Indian army.
Operation Polo (Hyderabad Police Action)
The Indian army came up with the Goddard
Plan (laid out by the C in C of the Southern Command, Lt. Gen E.N.
Goddard). The plan envisaged two main attacks – one from Vijayawada in
the East and another from Solapur in the West. Smaller entries were to
be made from the South to protect the railway lines of communications.
Also an entry from the North along the Aurangabad/Jalna area was to be
made. Lt. Gen. Rajendra Singhji, DSO took the overall command.
Major General J.N. Chaudhari led the
attack from Solapur and was composed of four task forces: Strike Force
with a mix of fast moving infantry, light artillery and cavalry; Smash
Force mostly consisting of armoured units and artillery; Kill Force
composed of engineering units and infantry; and Vir Force comprised of
engineering units, infantry and anti-tank.
Major General A.A. Rudra led the attack
from Vijaywada, which included the 2/5 Gurkha Rifles, one squadron of
the 17th (Poona) Horse, and a troop from the 19th Field Battery along
with ancillary and engineering units. Four infantry battalions were also
used to neutralize and protect lines of communication along the way.
Brigadier N.V.Bal of the Indian forces
ensured the safety of the rail communications on the Southern borders of
Hyderabad. Headquartered in Guntakal, he took the responsibility of the
bridges at Kurnool, Tungabhadra and Hospet. His troops included the 5/5
Gorkha Rifles, 1 Mysore Infantry and Mysore Lancers (on horses) and two
armoured trains for patrolling.
The task of capturing Aurangabad, an
important military and civil center was given to Major General D.S.Brar.
He organized 6 columns to capture it. A column under Lt Col. P.S.Thapa
comprising 2 companies of 17th Sikh, 3/5 Gorkha Rifles, a squadron of
Stuarts and armored cars from Armoured Corps School, 20 Field Battery
and Engineers and ancillary was tasked to capture the city of Aurangabad
moving along the Nangaon – Aurangabad axis. Two squadrons of Hawker
Tempest aircraft were prepared for air support from the Pune base.
Infantry and Armored Forces of Indian
Army deployed in Operation Polo were: 7th Brigade, 2nd Sikh Infantry,
1st Armoured Brigade, 9 DOGRA, 3rd Cavalry, 18th King Edward’s Own
Cavalry, 9 Para Field Regiment, 10 Field Company Engineers, 3/2 Punjab
Regiment, 2/1 Gurkha Rifles, 1 Mewar Infantry, 1st Mysore, 5/5 Gurkha,
2/5 Gurkha, 3/11 Gurkha Rifles, 8th Cavalry, 3 Sikh Light infantry, 2
Jodhpur infantry, 18 Cavalry, 3/11 Gurkhas, 9/2 Punjab, 6 Jat, 6 Kumaon.
The
Operation Polo also used AirForce, which included 2 Squadrons of IAF
Tempests from Pune. There were air strikes between Umarga and Rajasur
(Rajeshwar) now in Maharashtra (Day 2, 14 Sep 1948) – on the hills that
overlooked a 8KM narrow pass; Suryapet, Nalgonda (Day 3, 15 Sep 1948).
The full details of the war with the day by day account is summarized well at this site.
The Operation Polo lasted for a very
short time – all the Hyderabad forces were defeated within 5 days by the
Indian army. The war started on 13th September 1948 and ended on 17th
September 1948, is considered as the day when the ‘free India’ is
complete.
Surrender of the Nizam
When the Indian army defeated the
Hyderabad forces from all directions, the Prime Minister Laiq Ali and
his entire cabinet resigned. On 17th September 1948, the Nizam went on
air and asked his remaining forces to surrender. The Nizam banned the
Razakkars and allowed the troops of the Indian army to occupy the core
areas of the state such as Secunderabad and Bolarum. Thus the police
action ended. Major General El Edroos and his Hyderabad State Army
surrendered. Major General G.N. Chaudhary of the Indian army took over
as military governor of the state of Hyderabad.
Events after the police action
The events after the Police Action were
very quick and there was a total change in the political scenario of the
state. Mir Laiq Ali and Kasim Razvi were arrested. The merger of
Hyderabad dominions into the Indian Union was announced and the Major
General Chaudhari, who took over as Military Governor of Hyderabad
stayed in that position till the end of 1949. In January 1950, M.
K.Vellodi, a senior civil servant was made the Chief Minister of the
state. The Nizam Mir Osman Ali Khan was designated ‘Raj Pramukh’ of the
state. After the 1952 General Elections, Burgula Rama Krishna Rao took
charge of Hyderabad.
Though the rule of the last Nizam of
Hyderabad saw many economic and administrative developments, it is not
really considered as democratic as he focused mainly on maintaining his
regime and kingdom. He imposed Urdu though Urdu was not the native
language for most part of the region. In order to maintain his kingdom,
the recruitment of police and military was not drawn democratically,
especially for the positions of leadership. It depended on the foreign
mercenary forces. The merger of Hyderabad was breakdown of a medieval
royal state to democratic modern state. It was replacement of monarchy
with a superior state. The concept of modern state is superior to a
monarchy. It gives an opportunity for a competent person to come into
power and perform for few years and then revert back to a regular
citizen’s role.
Hyderabad State post merger with India
Until the end of 1949, Major-General J.N.Chaudhuri was the Military Governor of Hyderabad. The government of India appointed M. K. Vellodi as a Chief Minister of Hyderabad state in 26 January 1950 (Republic day) till 6th March 1952 i.e. the completion of the first elections in Independent India. He was a Senior Civil servant in the Government of India. The Nizam was designated ‘Raj Pramukh’ in January 1950 (resigned in 1956, when Hyderabad was split along linguistic lines).
MadrasProvince
The area represented in green color is the Madras Presidency. The area in darker shade of green represents the Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema districts, administered as part of Madras Presidency, which formed as Andhra state on October 1, 1953 with Kurnool as its capital city.Indian leaders consider and abandon the formation of linguistic States immediately after independence
At Independence, India was a fledgling and vulnerable nation that was created by a partition on religious lines, tested by communal riots across North India and a war in Kashmir. Even the respected British Prime Minister Winston Churchill said, “India is a geographical term. It is no more a united nation than the Equator.” The leaders of India started considering the idea of linguistic state to consolidate and give a new identity to the fledgling nation. Moreover, the demarcation of the states (called provinces in British India) was based on history and to maintain the princely states. As a modern democracy, this structure was no longer relevant.
The Government of India formed ‘The Dar
Commission’ under the Chairmanship of S.K.Dar, which did not recommend
the creation of States on the linguistic criteria. This drew adverse
reactions in the Telugu speaking regions. The Congress Party immediately
constituted an unofficial Committee consisting Jawaharlal Nehru,
Vallabhbhai Patel and Pattabhi Sitaramaiah, popularly known as the
J.V.P. Committee. In April 1949, the Committee recommended that the
creation of linguistic provinces should be postponed by few years.
First Elections in Free India (1952)
The first general elections are held in India in 1952. Elections were held both for state and central government. Coastal Andhra and Rayalseema went to elections under the Madras State. Hyderabad State goes to elections separately.
The first general elections are held in India in 1952. Elections were held both for state and central government. Coastal Andhra and Rayalseema went to elections under the Madras State. Hyderabad State goes to elections separately.
Dr. Burgula Ramakrishna Rao was elected as a chief minister of Hyderabad state
Elections were held for the Hyderabad State in 1952 general elections. Of the 175 MLA seats, Congress wins 93. Left leaning parties like People Democratic Front(42), peasants & workers party of India(10), Socialist party of India(10) and independents(15) are the other major seat winners. Burgula Rama Krishna Rao took charge as Chief Minister of the Hyderabad state after 1952 general elections.
Elections were held for the Hyderabad State in 1952 general elections. Of the 175 MLA seats, Congress wins 93. Left leaning parties like People Democratic Front(42), peasants & workers party of India(10), Socialist party of India(10) and independents(15) are the other major seat winners. Burgula Rama Krishna Rao took charge as Chief Minister of the Hyderabad state after 1952 general elections.
Elections in Coastal Andhra and
Rayalseema regions are held as part of Madras State. Congress forms
government with C Rajagopalachari as the chief minister.
Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema form Andhra State
Potti Sri Ramulu one of the strong leaders of the separate Andhra movement, took indefinite fasting from October 19, 1952 demanding for a separate Andhra state from the Madras state for the Telugus. On December 15, Potti Sri Ramulu breathed his last breath in the fasting camp. As the news of his death broke, violence spread all over the southern parts of the country. As a result of Potti Sri Ramulu’s sacrifice, the Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru inaugurated the Andhra state consisting eleven districts of Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema on October 1, 1953 with Kurnool as its capital city.
Potti Sri Ramulu one of the strong leaders of the separate Andhra movement, took indefinite fasting from October 19, 1952 demanding for a separate Andhra state from the Madras state for the Telugus. On December 15, Potti Sri Ramulu breathed his last breath in the fasting camp. As the news of his death broke, violence spread all over the southern parts of the country. As a result of Potti Sri Ramulu’s sacrifice, the Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru inaugurated the Andhra state consisting eleven districts of Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema on October 1, 1953 with Kurnool as its capital city.
The Formation of Andhra Pradesh
However, Telugu speaking people demanded for their long cherished Visalandhra formation, but people of Hyderabad state were unanimous in their demand for splitting the state into three parts. The States Reorganization Commission headed by Syed Fazal Ali heard the views of different people and organizations. Based on the Commission’s conclusions, the Congress Party High Command preferred Visalandhra and enlarged the state by including nine Telugu speaking districts of Hyderabad state to eleven districts of Andhra state to form Andhra Pradesh with 20 districts. In the process, the Hyderabad state was split among Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra State. Aurangabad division merged with Maharashtra and Gulbarga division merged with Karnataka. The rest of the two divisions of the state – Gulshanabad or Medak and Nizamabad merged with Andhra State.
However, Telugu speaking people demanded for their long cherished Visalandhra formation, but people of Hyderabad state were unanimous in their demand for splitting the state into three parts. The States Reorganization Commission headed by Syed Fazal Ali heard the views of different people and organizations. Based on the Commission’s conclusions, the Congress Party High Command preferred Visalandhra and enlarged the state by including nine Telugu speaking districts of Hyderabad state to eleven districts of Andhra state to form Andhra Pradesh with 20 districts. In the process, the Hyderabad state was split among Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra State. Aurangabad division merged with Maharashtra and Gulbarga division merged with Karnataka. The rest of the two divisions of the state – Gulshanabad or Medak and Nizamabad merged with Andhra State.
Thus, the state of ‘Andhra Pradesh’
emerged merging all the districts of Coastal Andhra, Rayalaseema and
Telangana on November 1, 1956, with Neelam Sanjiva Reddy as the Chief
Minister and C.M Trivedi as the Governor.
Andhra State was a state in India created on October 1, 1953 from the Telugu-speaking northern districts of Madras Presidency. On November 1, 1956 it was merged with the Telangana region of Hyderabad State to form the united Telugu-speaking state of Andhra Pradesh.
The government of the day however did not make a clear statement about the formation of a new state despite several strikes and demonstrations by Telugu people. On the midnight of 15 December (i.e. early 16 December 1952), Potti Sreeramulu died and laid down his life trying to achieve his objective.[3]
In his death procession, people shouted slogans praising his sacrifice. When the procession reached Mount Road, thousands of people joined and raised slogans hailing Sriramulu. Later, they went into a frenzy and resorted to destruction of public property. The news spread like wildfire and created an uproar among the people in far off places like Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam, Vijayawada, Rajahmundry, Eluru, Guntur, Tenali, Ongole and Nellore. Seven people were killed in police firing in Anakapalle and Vijayawada. The popular agitation continued for three to four days disrupting normal life in Madras and Andhra regions. On 19 December 1952, the Prime Minister of the country Jawaharlal Nehru made an announcement about formation of a separate state for Telugu speaking people Madras state.
House No. 126, Royapethah High Road, Mylapore, Madras is the address of the house where Potti Sriramulu died and it has been preserved as a monument of importance by the state government of Andhra Pradesh.
On the basis of an agitation, on October 1, 1953, 11 districts in the Telugu-speaking portion of Madras State voted to become the new state of Andhra State with Kurnool as the capital. Andhra Kesari Tanguturi Prakasam Pantulu became first Chief Minister of thus formed Telugu State. Thus, Andhra State was a state created in India on October 1, 1953 from the Telugu-speaking northern districts of Madras Presidency. It comprised Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema Regions.
The formation of linguistic states is the single most important event in the history of South Indian languages, as it provided an opportunity for these languages to develop independently, each of them having a state to support.
Telangana was the center of culture, learning, and power in the Deccan and India for centuries. Telangana's long and rich history was shaped by the great empires that have risen and fell in its area. After the decline of the influential Mauryan Empire, the Satavahana dynasty (230 BCE to 220 CE), the first great Telugu empire, came to be the dominant power in the region. It originated from the lands between the Godavari and Krishna Rivers. Kotilingala in Karimnagar was their first capital, before moving to Dharanikota. Excavations at Kotilingala revealed coinage of Simukha, the first Satavahana emperor. The Satavahana Empire was important in repelling foreign empires from India, such as the Kushans, Sakas and Greeks, thereby preserving Indian culture.
After the decline of the Satavahanas, various dynasties ruled the region such as the Vakatakas, Vishnukundinas, Chalukyas, Rashtrakutas and Western Chalukyas.
The region experienced its golden age during the reign of the Kakatiya dynasty, a Telugu dynasty from Warangal that ruled most parts of what is now Andhra Pradesh from 1083 to 1323 AD. Ganapatideva was known as the greatest of the Kakatiyas, and the first after the Satavahanas to bring the entire Telugu area under one rule. He put an end to the rule of the Cholas, who accepted his suzerainty in the year 1210. He established order in his vast dominion that stretched from the Godavari delta in the east to Raichur (in modern day Karnataka) in the west and from Karimnagar and Bastar (in modern day Chattisgarh) in the north to Srisailam and Tripurantakam, near Ongole, in the south. It was during his reign that the Golkonda fort was constructed. Rudrama Devi and Prataparudra were prominent rulers from the Kakatiya dynasty.
The great Vijayanagara Empire of South India may have had its origins in the Telugu Kakatiyas of Warangal. The Telugu origin of the dynasty proposes that first kings of the empires, brothers Bukka Raya I and Harihara I, were generals in the Kakatiya army. After defeat of the army by Muhammad bin Tughlaq, the brothers were taken prisoner and forced to convert to Islam. However, they managed escape, reconfirm their Hindu faith, and establish the Vijayanagara Empire.
The region came under the Muslim rule of the Delhi Sultanate in the 14th century, followed by Bahmanis, Qutb Shahis, and the Mughals.
The revolt began in the Nalgonda district and quickly spread to the Warangal and Bidar districts. Peasant farmers and labourers revolted against the local feudal landlords (jagirdars and deshmukhs) and later against the Osman Ali Khan, Asif Jah VII. The violent phase of the movement ended after the central government sent in the army. Starting in 1951, the CPI shifted to a more moderate strategy of seeking to bring communism to India within the constraints of Indian democracy.[8]
The Central Government appointed a civil servant, M. K. Vellodi, as First Chief Minister of Hyderabad State on 26 January 1950. He administered the state with the help of bureaucrats from Madras State and Bombay State. In 1952, Dr. Burgula Ramakrishna Rao was elected Chief minister of Hyderabad State in the first democratic election. During this time there were violent agitations by some Telanganites to send back bureaucrats from Madras state, and to strictly implement rule by natives of Hyderabad.[9]
Meanwhile, Telugu-speaking areas in the Northern Circars and Rayalaseema regions were carved out of the erstwhile Madras state on the fast unto death by Potti Sri Ramulu to create Andhra State in 1953, with Kurnool as its capital.[10][11][12]
Paragraph 382 of the States Reorganisation Commission Report (SRC) said "opinion in Andhra is overwhelmingly in favour of the larger unit; public opinion in Telangana has still to crystallize itself. Important leaders of public opinion in Andhra themselves seem to appreciate that the unification of Telangana with Andhra, though desirable, should be based on a voluntary and willing association of the people and that it is primarily for the people of Telangana to take a decision about their future".
The people of Telangana had several concerns. The region had a less-developed economy than Andhra, but with a larger revenue base (mostly because it taxed rather than prohibited alcoholic beverages), which people of Telangana feared might be diverted for use in Andhra. They feared that planned irrigation projects on the Krishna and Godavari rivers would not benefit Telangana proportionately, even though people of Telangana controlled the headwaters of the rivers. It was feared that the people of Andhra, who had access to higher standards of education under the British rule, would have an unfair advantage in seeking government and educational jobs.[citation needed]
The commission proposed that the Telangana region be constituted as a separate state with a provision for unification with Andhra state, after the 1961 general elections, if a resolution could be passed in the Telangana state assembly with a two-thirds majority.
The Chief Minister of Hyderabad State, Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, expressed his view that a majority of Telangana people were against the merger.[14] (evidence : url=http://missiontelangana.com/1954-1956-telangana-movement). He supported the Congress party's central leadership decision to merge Telangana and Andhra despite opposition in Telangana.[15] Andhra state assembly passed a resolution on 25 November 1955 to provide safeguards to Telangana. The resolution said, "Assembly would further like to assure the people in Telangana that the development of that area would be deemed to be special charge, and that certain priorities and special protection will be given for the improvement of that area, such as reservation in services and educational institutions on the basis of population and irrigational development."[16] Telangana leaders did not believe the safeguards would work.[17][18] An agreement was reached between Telangana leaders and Andhra leaders on 20 February 1956 to merge Telangana and Andhra with promises to safeguard Telangana's interests.[19][20]
Prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru initially was skeptical of merging Telangana with Andhra State, fearing a "tint of expansionist imperialism" in it.[21][22] He compared the merger to a matrimonial alliance having "provisions for divorce" if the partners in the alliance cannot get on well.[23][24]
Following the Gentlemen's agreement, the central government established a unified Andhra Pradesh on November 1, 1956.[10][25][26] The agreement provided reassurances to Telangana in terms of power-sharing as well as administrative domicile rules and distribution of expenses of various regions.
Anti-Nehru politics emerged with the repression of the Telengana movement; many within the Congress Party extended their hands to leftist causes. Feroze Gandhi was among them.[27]
On December 9, 2009, Government of India announced process of formation of Telangana state. Due to objections raised in Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions immediately after the announcement, and due to the agitation in those regions for 14 days, the decision to form to new state was put on hold on December 23, 2009. The movement continues in Hyderabad and other districts of Telangana.[29][30]
As per Volume-II of Krishna Water Dispute Tribunal Award - "The area which we are considering for irrigation formed part of Hyderabad State and had there been no division of that State, there were better chances for the residents of this area to get irrigation facilities in Mahboobnagar District. We are of the opinion that this area should not be deprived of the benefit of irrigation on account of the reorganisation of States.".[32]
There are allegations that in most years, funds allocated to Telangana were never spent. According to Professor Jayashankar only 20% of the total Government employees, less than 10% of employees in the secretariat, and less than 5% of department heads in the Andhra Pradesh government are from Telangana; those from other regions make up the bulk of employment.[33][34][35] He also alleged that the state was represented by Telangana chief ministers for only 6 1/2 years out of over five decades of its existence, with no chief minister from the region being in power continuously for more than 2 1/2 years.[33] As per Srikrishna committee on Telangana, Telangana held the position of CM for 10.5 years while Seema-Andhra region held it for 42 years.[36] Proponents of a separate Telangana state feel that the agreements, plans, and assurances from the legislature and Lok Sabha over the last fifty years have not been honoured, and as a consequence Telangana has remained neglected, exploited, and backward. They allege that the experiment to remain as one state has proven to be a futile exercise and that separation is the best solution.[
Telangana was the center of culture, learning, and power in the Deccan and India for centuries. Telangana's long and rich history was shaped by the great empires that have risen and fell in its area. After the decline of the influential Mauryan Empire, the Satavahana dynasty (230 BCE to 220 CE), the first great Telugu empire, came to be the dominant power in the region. It originated from the lands between the Godavari and Krishna Rivers. Kotilingala in Karimnagar was their first capital, before moving to Dharanikota. Excavations at Kotilingala revealed coinage of Simukha, the first Satavahana emperor. The Satavahana Empire was important in repelling foreign empires from India, such as the Kushans, Sakas and Greeks, thereby preserving Indian culture.
After the decline of the Satavahanas, various dynasties ruled the region such as the Vakatakas, Vishnukundinas, Chalukyas, Rashtrakutas and Western Chalukyas.
The region experienced its golden age during the reign of the Kakatiya dynasty, a Telugu dynasty from Warangal that ruled most parts of what is now Andhra Pradesh from 1083 to 1323 AD. Ganapatideva was known as the greatest of the Kakatiyas, and the first after the Satavahanas to bring the entire Telugu area under one rule. He put an end to the rule of the Cholas, who accepted his suzerainty in the year 1210. He established order in his vast dominion that stretched from the Godavari delta in the east to Raichur (in modern day Karnataka) in the west and from Karimnagar and Bastar (in modern day Chattisgarh) in the north to Srisailam and Tripurantakam, near Ongole, in the south. It was during his reign that the Golkonda fort was constructed. Rudrama Devi and Prataparudra were prominent rulers from the Kakatiya dynasty.
The great Vijayanagara Empire of South India may have had its origins in the Telugu Kakatiyas of Warangal. The Telugu origin of the dynasty proposes that first kings of the empires, brothers Bukka Raya I and Harihara I, were generals in the Kakatiya army. After defeat of the army by Muhammad bin Tughlaq, the brothers were taken prisoner and forced to convert to Islam. However, they managed escape, reconfirm their Hindu faith, and establish the Vijayanagara Empire.
The region came under the Muslim rule of the Delhi Sultanate in the 14th century, followed by Bahmanis, Qutb Shahis, and the Mughals.
The revolt began in the Nalgonda district and quickly spread to the Warangal and Bidar districts. Peasant farmers and labourers revolted against the local feudal landlords (jagirdars and deshmukhs) and later against the Osman Ali Khan, Asif Jah VII. The violent phase of the movement ended after the central government sent in the army. Starting in 1951, the CPI shifted to a more moderate strategy of seeking to bring communism to India within the constraints of Indian democracy.[8]
The Central Government appointed a civil servant, M. K. Vellodi, as First Chief Minister of Hyderabad State on 26 January 1950. He administered the state with the help of bureaucrats from Madras State and Bombay State. In 1952, Dr. Burgula Ramakrishna Rao was elected Chief minister of Hyderabad State in the first democratic election. During this time there were violent agitations by some Telanganites to send back bureaucrats from Madras state, and to strictly implement rule by natives of Hyderabad.[9]
Meanwhile, Telugu-speaking areas in the Northern Circars and Rayalaseema regions were carved out of the erstwhile Madras state on the fast unto death by Potti Sri Ramulu to create Andhra State in 1953, with Kurnool as its capital.[10][11][12]
Paragraph 382 of the States Reorganisation Commission Report (SRC) said "opinion in Andhra is overwhelmingly in favour of the larger unit; public opinion in Telangana has still to crystallize itself. Important leaders of public opinion in Andhra themselves seem to appreciate that the unification of Telangana with Andhra, though desirable, should be based on a voluntary and willing association of the people and that it is primarily for the people of Telangana to take a decision about their future".
The people of Telangana had several concerns. The region had a less-developed economy than Andhra, but with a larger revenue base (mostly because it taxed rather than prohibited alcoholic beverages), which people of Telangana feared might be diverted for use in Andhra. They feared that planned irrigation projects on the Krishna and Godavari rivers would not benefit Telangana proportionately, even though people of Telangana controlled the headwaters of the rivers. It was feared that the people of Andhra, who had access to higher standards of education under the British rule, would have an unfair advantage in seeking government and educational jobs.[citation needed]
The commission proposed that the Telangana region be constituted as a separate state with a provision for unification with Andhra state, after the 1961 general elections, if a resolution could be passed in the Telangana state assembly with a two-thirds majority.
The Chief Minister of Hyderabad State, Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, expressed his view that a majority of Telangana people were against the merger.[14] (evidence : url=http://missiontelangana.com/1954-1956-telangana-movement). He supported the Congress party's central leadership decision to merge Telangana and Andhra despite opposition in Telangana.[15] Andhra state assembly passed a resolution on 25 November 1955 to provide safeguards to Telangana. The resolution said, "Assembly would further like to assure the people in Telangana that the development of that area would be deemed to be special charge, and that certain priorities and special protection will be given for the improvement of that area, such as reservation in services and educational institutions on the basis of population and irrigational development."[16] Telangana leaders did not believe the safeguards would work.[17][18] An agreement was reached between Telangana leaders and Andhra leaders on 20 February 1956 to merge Telangana and Andhra with promises to safeguard Telangana's interests.[19][20]
Prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru initially was skeptical of merging Telangana with Andhra State, fearing a "tint of expansionist imperialism" in it.[21][22] He compared the merger to a matrimonial alliance having "provisions for divorce" if the partners in the alliance cannot get on well.[23][24]
Following the Gentlemen's agreement, the central government established a unified Andhra Pradesh on November 1, 1956.[10][25][26] The agreement provided reassurances to Telangana in terms of power-sharing as well as administrative domicile rules and distribution of expenses of various regions.
Anti-Nehru politics emerged with the repression of the Telengana movement; many within the Congress Party extended their hands to leftist causes. Feroze Gandhi was among them.[27]
On December 9, 2009, Government of India announced process of formation of Telangana state. Due to objections raised in Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions immediately after the announcement, and due to the agitation in those regions for 14 days, the decision to form to new state was put on hold on December 23, 2009. The movement continues in Hyderabad and other districts of Telangana.[29][30]
As per Volume-II of Krishna Water Dispute Tribunal Award - "The area which we are considering for irrigation formed part of Hyderabad State and had there been no division of that State, there were better chances for the residents of this area to get irrigation facilities in Mahboobnagar District. We are of the opinion that this area should not be deprived of the benefit of irrigation on account of the reorganisation of States.".[32]
There are allegations that in most years, funds allocated to Telangana were never spent. According to Professor Jayashankar only 20% of the total Government employees, less than 10% of employees in the secretariat, and less than 5% of department heads in the Andhra Pradesh government are from Telangana; those from other regions make up the bulk of employment.[33][34][35] He also alleged that the state was represented by Telangana chief ministers for only 6 1/2 years out of over five decades of its existence, with no chief minister from the region being in power continuously for more than 2 1/2 years.[33] As per Srikrishna committee on Telangana, Telangana held the position of CM for 10.5 years while Seema-Andhra region held it for 42 years.[36] Proponents of a separate Telangana state feel that the agreements, plans, and assurances from the legislature and Lok Sabha over the last fifty years have not been honoured, and as a consequence Telangana has remained neglected, exploited, and backward. They allege that the experiment to remain as one state has proven to be a futile exercise and that separation is the best solution.[30][37][38][39]
The area is divided into two main regions, the Eastern Ghats and the plains. The surface is dotted with low depressions.
When the Hyderabad State was freed from the Nizam of Hyderabad by police action, there was a debate in the Telugu speaking districts of the state(also known as Telangana) on whether to join the newly formed Andhra State, carved out of Telugu speaking districts of Madras state. To convince the leadership of Telangana to join the new state, an agreement was reached between the leaders of both sides. This came to be known as the Gentlemen's agreement. The agreement allowed the formation of the state of Andhra Pradesh in 1956 itself, against the recommendations of States Reorganisation Commission (SRC), which recommended "the Telangana area is to constitute into a separate State, which may be known as the Hyderabad State with provision for its unification with Andhra after the general elections likely to be held in or about 1961 if by a two thirds majority the legislature of the residency Hyderabad State expresses itself in favor of such unification(para 386)".
2. For the more convenient transaction of the business of Government with regard to some specified matters the Telangana area will be treated as one region.
3. For the Telangana region there will be a Regional Standing Committee of the state assembly consisting of the members of the State Assembly belonging to that region including the Ministers from that region but not including the Chief Minister.
4. Legislation relating to specified matters will be referred to the Regional committee. In respect of specified matters proposals may also be made by the Regional Committee to the State Government for legislation or with regard to the question of general policy not involving any financial commitments other than expenditure of a routine and incidental character.
5. The advice tendered by the Regional Committee will normally be accepted by the Government and the State Legislature. In case of difference of opinion, reference will be made to the Governor whose decision will be binding.
6. The Regional Committee will deal with following matters:
B. Domicile Rules : A temporary provision be made to ensure that for a period of five years, Telangana is regarded as a unit as far as recruitment to subordinate services is concerned; posts borne on the cadre of these services may be reserved for being filled up by persons who satisfy the domicile conditions as prescribed under the existing Hyderabad Mulki Rules. ( 12 years of Stay in Telangana area)
C. The position of Urdu. The Government of India would advise the state Government to take appropriate steps to ensure that the existing position of Urdu in administrative and judicial structure of the State is maintained for a period of five years.
D. Retrenchment of surplus personnel in the new State. The Government of India do not anticipate any retrenchment. The intention is that so far as possible, the service personnel from the Hyderabad State should be automatically integrated into the services of the Andhra Pradesh without any process of screening. Should, however, any retrenchment be found necessary, the entire personnel of the services of the enlarged State will be treated on equal footing.
E. Distribution of expenditure between Telangana and Andhra Regions. Allocation of expenditure with the resources of the state is a matter which falls within the purview of the State Government and the State Legislature.. Since, however, it has been agreed to the representatives of Andhra and Telangana that the expenditure of the new state on central and general administration should be borne proportionately by the two regions and the balance of income should be reserved for expenditure on the development of Telangana area, it is open to the state government to act in accordance with the terms of agreement in making budgetary allocations. The Government of India propose to invite the attention of the Chief Minister of Andhra to this particular understanding and to express the hope that it will be implemented.
F. The existing educational facilities including Technical Education in Telangana should be secured to the students of Telangana and further improved---
G. The cabinet will consist of members in proportion of 60:40 percent for Andhra and Telangana respectively, out of 40% of Telangana ministers, one will be a Muslim from Telangana. If the Chief Minister is from one region the other region should be given Dy Chief Ministership.
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
The Member Secretary,
Justice Sree Krishna Committee for
Consultations on the situation in A.P.,
Room No. 248, Vigyan Bhawan Annexe,
Moulana Azad Road, New Delhi 110011
Dear Sir,
SUB: AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA—THE ONLY
SOLUTION IS “FORMATION OF SEPARATE STATE OF TELANGANA” –
SUBMITTED - REGARDING
REF: 1.Your Press Notification dated 15/02/2010
2. My previous letter to Committee dated 27/02/2010
In continuation to my earlier letter in the reference (2) cited above, I submit the following to
the Hon’ Justice Sree Krishna Committee for Consultations on the situation in Andhra Pradesh.
Sir, the Honorable Committee by this time might have received more than 20,000
representations. It is apparent that the people and parties from Andhra areas are
demanding for continuation of united Andhra Pradesh, whereas the people and parties
from Telangana are demanding for Statehood to Telangana.
BUT SIR, IS THERE ANY REPRESENTATION FROM NATIVE TELANGANA
PEOPLE TO KEEP THE STATE UNITED?
Obviously there won’t be any such representation. Because, Telangana people are undergoing
exploitation at the hands of Andhra people in many areas which have become chronic areas of
conflict between both the people. Andhra people have eternal benefit in continuation of A.P.
State and Telangana people have eternal loss in continuation of A.P. State. HENCE ARE
DEMANDING FOR THE DEMERGER OF TELANGANA FROM ANDHRA PRADESH.
I ALSO WOULD LIKE TO BRING TO YOUR KIND NOTICE THAT EVEN IN
ANDHRA, THERE ARE PEOPLE WHO ARE IN FAVOUR OF “SEPARATE ANDHRA
STATE” AND SUBMITTED MEMORANDA ACCORDINGLY.
WHY SOME ANDHRA PEOPLE ARE DEMANDING UNITED A.P. IS BECAUSE, THEY
HAVE BENEFIT IN IT. HAD TELANGANA PEOPLE ALSO HAVE BENEFITS IN UNITED
A.P. THEY ALSO WOULD HAVE ASKED FOR IT. BUT THE TRUTH IS OTHER WISE.
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
Telangana was forcibly merged with Andhra in 1956 against the wishes of people of
Telangana and SRC recommendations. NO STATE HAS BEEN FORMED IN INDIA BY
FORCIBLY MERGING TWO STATES EXCEPT “ANDHRA PRADESH”.
Following are some of the main areas of chronic conflict between Telangana and Andhra,
because of which Telangana people are getting agitated from 1956 to till date, the solution of
which lies only in the “FORMATION OF SEPARATE STATE OF TELANGANA” .
1. WATER or IRRIGATION
3. EMPLOYMENT
5. EDUCATION
7. SHARE OF POLITICAL POWER
1. WATER
This is the biggest grievance of the Telangana people.
OR IRRIGATION
Water is the lifeline for human life and we all know that all cities in the world are established
around rivers. Water powers economic growth through commercial crops and with canal
irrigation systems, there is no limit for human development. This is what exactly happened in
Andhra. With major irrigation projects, and a political leadership always biased in their favor,
Andhraites got better irrigation opportunities via canals and improved acreage of farming.
THE HIGHLIGHTS OF IRRIGATION IN TELANGANA ARE AS FOLLOWS:
55 years after merger with Andhra the additional irrigation facility provided to Telangana
is only 15 TMC
During the period from 1956-1998 there was 22% fall in cultivated land in Telangana. During
the same period there was a rise of 4.25% cultivated land in Coastal Andhra.
TOTAL LOSS OF WATER SHARE OF TELANGANA MERGING WITH ANDHRA IS 1125
TMC. 1 TMC SERVES 10000 ACRES, i.e. TOTAL CULTIVATION LAND LOST IN
TELANGANA IS 11, 25,000 ACRES.
In 1956 total cultivated land in Telangana under tanks was 10.68 lakhs hectares. It came down to
7.47 lakhs hectares in 1995.
GODAVARI FLOWS 600 KM. IN TELANGANA AND 150 KM. IN ANDHRA, BUT
TWO CROPS FOR THEM AND WITH DIFFICULTY ONLY ONE CROP FOR US
THAT TOO IN SMALL AREA.
10,000 farmers committed suicides in Telangana unable to pay back the debt.
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
IRRIGATION POTENTIAL CREATED IN ANDHRA THROUGH MAJOR PROJECTS IS 62.11
LAKH ACRES AND THROUH MEDIUM PROJECTS IS 7.82 LAKH ACRES. THAT IS
TOTAL OF ABOUT 70 LAKH ACRES. WHERE AS IN TELANGANA IT IS 24.62 LAKH
ACRES THROUGH MAJOR PROJECTS AND 3.83 LAKH ACRES THROUH MEDIUM
PROJECTS. THAT IS TOTAL OF ABOUT 28 LAKH ACRES.
Telangana is encircled by two major rivers of south India i.e., Krishna and Godavari. Within the
State of A. P., 69% of catchment area of river Krishna and 79% of catchment area of river
Godavari are in the Telangana region. In addition, most of the tributaries of these rivers traverse
its length and breadth. If waters of these rivers flowing through the region are properly utilized,
almost every acre of cultivable land available in Telangana could be provided with assured
irrigation facilities and every village could be provided with assured drinking water facilities.
But Telangana has been denied its rightful share in the river waters by the successive
governments during the last 54 years, irrespective of the parties and leaders in power. In
Telangana regions, only few areas cultivate one crop a year and very rarely two crops,
while most of the land doesn’t even cultivate single crop. Despite 69% Krishna and 79%
Godavari flows through Telangana, the lands in Telagana have been converted to deserts.
The lands in Telangana depend on bore wells and entire cost of operations such as digging,
power, bore well, motor, pipes etc which include to the total irrigation cost of Rs.1500/acre is on
the farmer whereas 13% of Krishna, 21% Godavari flows through Andhra and the total irrigation
cost there is just Rs.150/acre, because of canal waters supplied by Government.
RIVER KRISHNA
While determining the share of waters of river Krishna among the three riparian States i.e.,
Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, the Bachawat Tribunal allocated 811 TMC ft. of
water to Andhra Pradesh. The allocation of water among different regions of the State has,
however, been the prerogative of the State government. If catchment area is taken as the
criterion for allocation of waters between different regions of the State, as is normally done
between different States of the country, Telangana should get 69% of the 811 TMC ft. If
cultivable area, rainfall, subsoil levels of water, etc., also are taken into account Telangana
region would be entitled to not less than 70% of the total quantum of water allocated to State.
But the allocation made for the projects in the Telangana region was only around 32%. If
the actual utilization of water is taken into account it is only about 10 to 11%.
FOLLOWING IS A BRIEF TO SHOW HOW TELANGANA WATER RESOURCES
WERE EXPLOITED. ACTUALLY IT TAKES TENS OF PAGES TO EXPLAIN THE
FRAUD PLAYED BY ANDHRA ON TELANGANA TO ROB IT’S WATERS :
NAGARJUNA SAGAR: Built on: River Krishna, Location: Nalgonda district.
Telangana was supposed to get 70% of water share as per original agreement. Cheating and,
greed played a big role in moving the project site 19 km downstream ( from the original
site of Ileswaram proposed by Nizam) thereby making it impossible for Telangana to get its
share. Andhraites cheated us in the name of increased catchment area. Nagarjuna Sagar meant
to benefit Andhra and Telangana regions is modified in such a way that 75% of the benefit is
accruing to Coastal Andhra reducing the share of Telangana region to just 25%. Consequently,
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
an area of more than 15 lakh acres is getting irrigation facilities for the first crop and more than
half of it for the second crop in the coastal districts. But the Telangana area gets this facility
hardly for 5 lakh acres. Further, settlers migrated from the Andhra area own nearly half of these
lands. Due to the construction of the dam several hectares of Lime stone mines vanished as part
of the dam back waters. 21 villages of Nalgonda district got submerged.
SINGUR PROJECT: Singur Project was built on Manjeera River to irrigate the fields of
Medak but it was used to quench thirst of Hyderabad which is filled with settlers. As a result
one lakh acres of cultivable land is deprived of irrigation
SRISAILAM DAM: Built on: River Krishna, Location: Kurnool district of Rayalaseema
Srisailam Project which was originally a power project is now converted into a multipurpose
project. Yet the Telangana region does not get even a single drop of water from it. It has
only a right bank canal to facilitate irrigation in the Rayalaseema region. Further, its capacity has
been increased by 3 times when compared to what was originally contemplated. It has now three
sluices - one for the Srisailam Right Branch Canal, one for the Telugu Ganga Project and the
other styled as Escape Channel. This project has the potential to irrigate 6 to 7 lakh acres of land
in the Rayalaseema and Nellore district besides providing Drinking water to Chennai city.
But the left bank canal meant for the benefit of Telangana region has been abandoned. The
canal which is now styled as the SrisailamLeft Bank Canal (SLBC) and rechristened as Alimineti
Madhava Reddy Project is a misnomer. It is neither on the left bank of Srisailam Project nor does
it draw water from the Srisailam Reservoir. It is, in fact, a lift irrigation project on the Nagarjuna
Sagar dam. When completed it can irrigate hardly about 1.5 lakh acres. Further it is also
contemplated to draw water from this canal to meet the drinking water requirements of capital
city. If it happens the SLBC will become another Singur.
TUNGABHADRA: Built on River Tungabhadra Nizam started the project in 1948 and is
supposed to give 20TMC (Thousand Million Cubic Feet) of water to Mahaboob nagar, but the
canal which was to siphon water till Mahaboobnagar was stopped abruptly.
Rajolibanda Diversion Scheme, taken up before the formation of Andhra Pradesh by
the then government of Hyderabad was envisaged to provide irrigation facilities to
87500 acres in Mahabubnagar district of Telangana region. The Bachawat Tribunal also
allocated 15.90 TMC ft. of water for this project. BUT IN PRACTICE ONLY 3 TMC
WATER IS MADE AVAILABLE. This water has to pass through a canal in Raichur district
of Karnataka State. After the formation of Andhra Pradesh the leaders of Rayalaseema blasted
the gates of RDS and water is supplied to KC (Kurnool-Cadapa) canal while only remaining
water, if any, is supplied to the lands in Mahaboobnagar.
RIVER GODAVARI
The Ganges of the south flows in Telangana almost 600 miles, yet Sriram Sagar is a lone
project of this mighty river, even this project grounded 43 years ago, still in its first phase.
Of proposed irrigation was a 16 lakh acre but hardly 6 lacs got irrigated. Iccham palli a lift
irrigation project initially proposed by Nizam Govt years ago, but still pending to complete and
lost hope of completion. Other pending projects under River Godavari are - Yellampalli,
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
Devadula, Dummugudem, Lendi, Gutpa, Alisagar, Pranahita, Lower Penuganga and most other
projects of Godavari and its tributaries, which are mostly lift irrigation schemes without
assured power supply for which capacity is not at all created.
Of the three regions of the State, Telangana has the largest area, with 11,48,000 sq
km, followed by coastal Andhra with 9,28,000 sq km. The cultivable area is estimated at
64,02,358 hectares in Telangana and 46,33,304 hectares in the Coastal Andhra. But
13,12,795 hectares or 28.33 percent of the cultivable land in the Coastal Andhra is being
irrigated under canal irrigation system, whereas 2,66,964 hectares or 4.17 percent of the
cultivable land in Telangana is receiving canal waters of Godavari.
THE AMOUNT SPENT IN TELANGANA SO FAR IS RS. 4005 CRORES WHILE THAT
SPENT IN COASTAL ANDHRA IS RS. 19,693.50 CRORES, NEARLY FIVE TIMES
HIGHER. IN TERMS OF PERCENTAGE, WHILE TELANGANA GOT A MERE 15.5
PERCENT, COASTAL ANDHRA GOT 76 PERCENT.
The Bachawat Tribunal allocated 1480 TMC ft. of water to Andhra Pradesh, but half of this
water is yet to be utilized. The Coastal Andhra region has been the major beneficiary of the water
already utilized. The other two major projects proposed on river Godavari are Ichampally and
Polavaram. Ichampally is meant for Telangana and Polavaram for Coastal Andhra. The irrigation
potential of Polavaram Project would be 6 to 7times more than the irrigation potential of
Ichampally. Further, Ichampally is going to be primarily a power project because of the inter-
state issues involved. If that is going to happen, Ichampally would ultimately become a
balancing reservoir to ensure a perennial flow of water into Polavaram first and
Dawaleswaram next. Consequently Telangana would be permanently doomed.
The other projects Sri Ram Sagar Project Stage II, Sri Ram Sagar Flood Flow Canal and
barrages at Yellampalli and Dummagudem even if they are completed –which is a big if- all of
them put together will not have a capacity to utilize more than 50 TMC ft. of water.
Regional Disparities:
Because of the factors enumerated above the benefit of irrigation through the canal system under
major irrigation projects is accruing substantially, i.e. 74.25%, to the Coastal Andhra region.
While the share of Telangana is just 18.20%, the remaining 7.55% goes to the Rayalaseema
region. CONSEQUENTLY, THE FARMERS IN TELANGANA DEPEND MOSTLY ON WELL
IRRIGATION WHICH IS BECOMING PROHIBITIVELY EXPENSIVE DAY BY DAY, LEADING
MANY TIMES TO SUICIDES BY FARMERS.
Well Irrigation
In this situation the farmers of Telangana are left with only one alternative i.e., well irrigation.
But the well irrigation has many disadvantages as compared to canal irrigation. Canal irrigation
is ensured by the government by spending on construction of dams, digging of canals and
supplying water to the fields every season. The entire cost is borne by the government i.e.,
spending tax-payers money. In return the farmer pays about 200 to 250 rupees per acre per
annum as water charges. It is extremely negligible when compared to the huge amounts spent by
the government. This practice is necessary to support agriculture sector in any region or in any
State for that matter. Therefore, no one will grudge this.
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
But the same facility is not extended to a majority of farmers in Telangana who depend mostly
on well irrigation. The farmer will have to pay from his pocket for sinking well and for buying a
pump-set. In addition he has to pay power tariff which is increased every year. He has to also
incur huge expenses on getting the water pumps repaired as they are frequently damaged because
of erratic fluctuations in voltage. As a result, a farmer in the Telangana region depending on well
irrigation is compelled to spend 2 to 3 thousand rupees per acre per annum in addition to capital
investment on sinking well and installing pump-set.
THE REGIONAL DISPARITIES WILL CONTINUE FURTHER IN A UNIFIED A.P. THE
IRRIGATION PROBLEMS IN TELANGANA CAN BE ADDREESD ADEQUATELY ONLY IF
TELANGANA ATTAINS STATEHOOD.
DRINKING WATER:
Further there is pathetic supply of drinking water throughout Telangana, especially in Nalgonda
district. It is affected by excess of fluoride in the drinking water, as they do not have river
Krishna water for drinking even though River Krishna flow in this district about 100 km. Local
people have been demanding supply of water from River Krishna for 30 years. The estimated
cost according to experts is 12 billion rupees. In 600 villages, about 300,000 people are affected
by excess of fluoride in the underground water. 10,000 people are totally crippled. People with
paralyzing bone diseases, stooped backs, crooked hands and legs, deformed teeth, blindness and
other handicaps are common sight in the district.
2. DISCRIMINATION IN POWER PROJECTS
Though Telangana has river water sources to cultivate 50 lakh acres, sufficient projects have not
been taken up. Due to this majority of farmers in Telangana depend on bore wells for which
power supply is also adequately not provided. Though the demand for power in Telangana is
56%, capacity created is only 34%. Whereas in Andhra though the demand is 44%,
capacity created is 66%. Some examples of discrimination in power sector is as follows.
1.Manugur power project in Khammam district was shifted to Vijayawada in 1973.
2.Gas supply not sanctioned to 2100 MW power plant envisaged in Karimnagar, but gas was
sanctioned to 7000 MW power plant of Vijayawada MP, Lagadapati and other Andhra investors.
3.Though 600 MW power plant envisaged in Sattupally, has allotments for water, land and coal
still it is not sanctioned.
4.Where as Rayala seema power plant set up in 1980 in Kadapa district in Maddunur, even
though no source of water and coal, is being run by Telangana Singareni coal.
5.Ramagundam power plant was handed over to NTPC in 1977 in proposals stage itself.
Actually it should have been built and run by State government. As a result of joining NTPC our
State is getting only 900 MW of the total 2500 MW.
6.Last year in Khammam district water was not released to Kothgudem thermal power station
from Kinnerasani project. Instead water was released from Kinnerasani project to fields under
Dhawaleswaram project. But never was water released to 10000 acres land under Kinnerasani
project. In this way KTPS is underutilized.
3.EMPLOYMENT
There are about 15 lakh jobs in the government and government-funded offices and
establishments. Based on the size of population at least 40% of these jobs, i.e. 6 lakh,
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
should have gone to the job seekers from Telangana. But the total number of jobs now
occupied by them is less than 3 lakhs. THE REMAINING JOBS OF TELANGANA ARE
YUSURPED BY ANDHRA PEOPLE AND ANDHRAS ARE WORKING IN TELANGANA.
There are more than 5,000 employees in the State’s secretariat. Out of them not even 10%
belong to the Telangana region. There are more than 130 posts of heads of departments. Out of
them only 7 or 8 are held by the officers belonging to the Telangana region. There are 23 district
collectors. One rarely finds an officer from the Telangana cadres holding that position.
State Government of Andhra Pradesh issued G.O 36 in 1969 to suppress the separate Telangana
movement. It was aimed at repatriating about 25000 non-Mulki (non local) employees illegally
appointed in the Telangana region, to their respective places and appointing local candidates in
the resultant vacancies. After a prolonged litigation, the Supreme Court of India upheld the
constitutional validity of Mulki Rules and facilitated implementation of G.O. 36. It was
estimated that between 1973 and 1985 around 59000 non locals were recruited in the Telangana
region. As a result, the people of the region became once again restive and the government was
compelled to issue G.O. 610(issued on 30th December 1985) to rectify the situation. But, no one
remembered even the existence of this order, until the revival of demand for a separate state of
Telangana gathered momentum in 1996.
The G.O. 610 issued to remove all the non-locals appointed in the vacancies meant for the
youth of Telangana and to appoint only Telangana locals against all resultant vacancies. Besides
not implementing these orders further recruitment of non-locals in Telangana region is going on.
Thus Telangana people are being deprived of their share in jobs which are being usurped
by people from Andhra. THERE ARE INSTANCES OF EDUCATED YOUTH IN
TELANGANA COMMITING SUICIDES NOT ABLE TO GET JOBS. HENCE, THE
SOLUTION IS SEPARATE TELANGANA STATE.
4. SURPLUS BUDGET OF TELANGANA
Rs 60 crores of surplus budget was the pride of Telangana in 1948. When Andhra State was
formed in 1953, it had a meager Rs 1Crore in hand given by Madras Government. At the time
of merger, Hyderabad State (Telangana) was the highest revenue generating State compared to
Andhra and Rayalaseema combined. Still the same Hyderabad contributes about 37% to 40%
revenue and rest of Telangana contributes about 28% to 31% revenue whereas Andhra and
Rayalaseema combined contributes only 32% revenue. In spite of surplus revenue from
Telangana, we never got our fair share of Government funds after the merger with Andhra and
Rayalaseema.
Contribution of Telangana to the State’s revenues under some major heads continues to be far
higher than the contribution of other two regions. For instance, sales tax and excise collections
constitute about 43% of total revenue of the State. Nearly 75% of receipts under the head ‘sales
tax’, the single largest source of revenue, and more than 55% of excise collections are
contributed by Telanganato the State’s exchequer.
The other major head of revenue consists of State’s share in central taxes and grants-in-aid. In
determining this share, backward regions of the State facilitate higher allocation by the
successive Finance Commissions. Therefore, Telangana is entitled to a higher share in these
revenues as well. Even if population, and nothing else, is taken as the criterion Telangana’s share
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
would be more than 40%. It is evident that the overall contribution of Telangana to the state’s
revenue will in any case bemore than 50%. But, the expenditure incurred on this region has never
been more than 25% to 30%.
JUSTICE BHARGAVA COMMITTEE REPORTED IN OCTOBER 1969 THAT DURING
THE PERIOD FROM 1956-57 TO 1967-68 i.e.,43 YEARS BACK THE UNSPENT SURPLUS
REVENUE FROM TELANGANA WAS Rs.2834.31 LAKHS. THEN WHAT WOULD BE
THE UNSPENT SURPLUS REVENUE FROM TELANGANA NOW? AND WHERE THIS
SURPLUS REVENUE IS GOING ?
5. EDUCATION
At the time of formation of Andhra Pradesh it was assured that disparities in the levels of
development in different regions of the State, including the field of education, would be
removed in five to ten years time. But even after 5 DECADES the literacy rate in
Telangana continues to be lowest in the State.
This has happened because of uneven distribution of educational facilities in different regions of
the State. The important point to be kept in view in this regard is the percentage of population
spread over different regions of the State, i.e. Coastal Andhra 41.69%, Rayalaseema 17.77% and
Telangana 40.54%. This is necessary to assess the adequacy or otherwise of the facilities of
education created vis-à-vis the size of population and the levels of literacy achieved.
Primary Education
The data chosen for this analysis pertains to the year 2001. During this period there were
60,60,394 students in the state enrolled in the primary schools run by the government, local
bodies and private managements (aided andunaided). The region-wise breakup is: Coastal
Andhra 27,57,269 (45.50%), Rayalaseema13,02,673 (21.49%), Telangana 20,00,452 (33.01%).
It should be realized that unaided primary schools do not reflect endeavor of the government, and
if such institutions were not taken into account the position would be much worse in Telangana.
Collegiate Education
Regarding the facilities available for collegiate education (degree colleges) the position is more
or less the same. If the salary component paid to the teachers is taken as the basis for assessing
the spread of these facilities between different regions of the state, Telangana’s share in the total
expenditure incurred by the state government would be 37.85% in respect of government
colleges and 21.59% in respect of aided colleges.
Private colleges getting grant-in-aid from the government are playing a crucial and dominant role
in the realm of collegiate education in the State. The State government has been admitting year
after year several private colleges into grant-in-aid. The share of Telangana continues to be
lowest, i.e. less than 20% in the total quantum of grant-in-aid. All this is happening in spite of the
claim of the government that it is trying to remove disparities and do justice to Telangana.
Universities : It is very often argued that all the state-level and national-level universities located
in the capital city belong to the Telangana region. If it were to be so what benefit this region has
derived from their location in Hyderabad? At least what percent of staff recruited by these
universities belongs to Telangana? It is not even 10%. Further, some of the State-level and
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
National-level universities are located in the other regions of the state as well, but none in
Telangana districts.
The details of Universities in Andhra area (for 57 to 58% of AP population):
1.Vikram Simhapuri University, Nellore - 524 001
2. Yogi Vemana University, Cuddapah
3. Sri Sathya Sai University, Anantapur, Andhra Pradesh
4. Sri Venkateswara University. Tirupathi
5. Sri Venkateswara Vedic University, Tirupati, Andhra Pradesh
6. Sri Venkateswara Veterinary University (SVVU), Tirupati, Andhra Pradesh
7. Sri Padmavathi Mahila University, Tirupati, Chttoor
8. Sri Krishnadevaraya University, Anantapur - 515 003
9. Rayalaseema University, Kurnool - 518 002
10. Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University Ananthapur,Ananthapur - 515 002
11. Dravidian University,Kuppam,Chittoor - 517 425
12. Rashtriya Sanskrit Vidyapeeth, Tirupathi, Andhra Pradesh
13. Krishna University,Andhra Jatiya Kalasala,Machilipatnam,Krishna - 521 001
14. Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University East Godavari, Kakinada - 533 003
15. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar University,Etcherla,Srikakulam - 532 402
16. Andhra University,Visakhapatnam - 530 003
17. Andhra Pradesh University of Law, Visakhapatnam
18. Adi Kavi Nannaya University,25-8-4/2,Jaya Krishna Puram,Rajahmundry, - 533 105
19. Acharya Nagarjuna University,Nagarjunanagar,Guntur - 522 510
20. Vignan University, Guntur, Andhra Pradesh
21. Gitam University, Visakhapatnam
22. Dr. N.T.R. University of Health Sciences,Vijayawada,Krishna - 520 008
Universities in Telangana (catering to 42 to 43% of AP population) Out of 14 universities in
Telangana 8 are in Hyderabad and 6 are in remaining 9 districts of Telangana 8
universities in Hyderabad are filled by people from all regions.
1. University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad
2. Jawaharlal Nehru Architecture and Fine Arts University, Masab Tank, Hyderabad - 500 072
3. Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University Hyderabad, Kukatpally, Hyderabad - 500 07
4. Potti Sreeramulu Telugu University, Public Gardens, Hyderabad - 500 004
5. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Open University, Prof. G. Ram Reddy Marg,Road No. 46, Jubilee Hills,
Hyderabad - 500 033
6. Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh
7. English and Foreign Languages University (EFLU), Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh
8. NALSAR University of Law,Justice City, Shameerpet, Rangareddi - 500 078
9. Telangana University, Nizamabad
10. Satavahana University,Jyothinagar,Karimnagar - 505 001
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
11. Osmania University,Hyderabad - 500 007
12. Mahatma Gandhi University,Ramagiri,Nalgonda - 508 001
13. Kakatiya University,Vidyaranyapuri,Warangal - 506 009
14. Palamuru University, Mahaboobnagar
Here is a news reference to funding disparities in universities : Rs. 343 crore allocated to
two universities set up in Kadapa. Only Rs. 27 cr. allocated to five varsities in Telangana
region
Location of a university in a district place facilitates and contributes to the development of
thatarea. For instance, the University of Health Sciences has considerably improved the
medicalfacilities in and around Vijayawada city, besides providing employment opportunities to
the locals. Similarly the University of Dravidian Languages has changed the very face of
Kuppam village in the Rayalaseema region. No one grudges this. But the question is as to why
the Telangana districts are deprived of such facilities. When Technological University and Open
University were shifted to Hyderabad from Warangal and Nalgonda the reason given was to
locate the state-level universities in the capital city. But the same logic is not applied in respect
of University of Health Sciences, Women’s University and the University of Dravidian
Languages. They too are state-level universities.
Development of education affects, and in turn gets affected by, the pace of economic
development. There is a bi-directional linkage, and in this process the low rates of literacy
and economic backwardness sustained each other. This is precisely the problem of
Telangana.
6. INDUSTRIES
No major industry worth its name has been setup in any of the districts of Telangana region
as compared to the establishment of several industries in Visakapatnam, Vijayawada, Kakinada,
Nellore, Tirupati, and Cuddapah. Quite a few major industries established in the Telangana
region during the period of much maligned Nizam are being closed one after the other by
the successive governments.
Important among the closed industries are: Azamjahi Mills (Warangal), Sir Silk Factory
(Sirpur), Antargaon Spinning Mills (Adilabad), DBR Mills (Hyderabad), Allwyn Factory
(Hyderabad), Republic Forge (Hyderabad). Further, the famous Nizam’s Sugar Factory
(Nizamabad) is put on sale.
Twelve milk chilling plants established by the erstwhile Telangana Regional Committee in
different parts of Telangana have been abruptly closed down.
The fertilizer factory at Ramagundam is closed because of, among other factors, inadequacy of
power supply and poor quality of coal made available. This fertilizer plant is in the coal belt of
the region and large quantities of good quality coal available here are diverted to other regions
for feeding thermal plants there. A national super thermal power plant is situated in
Ramagundam itself and its operation is solely dependent on coal and water supplied by the
Telangana regions, ignoring other pressing requirements of the people of the region. These major
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
inputs available locally are, ironically, not accessible to a locally situated fertilizer plant.
Coinciding with the decision to close down the plant, a decision is taken to set up a new fertilizer
plant at Nellore in Coastal Andhra.
The industrial development that has taken place in and around the capital city has not
benefited the people of Telangana in any way. The land, water, power and other infrastructure
facilities made available to these industries belong entirely to Telangana, Yet the migrants from
other regions grab more than 95% of the jobs offered by these industries. The environmental
pollution caused by the industries in and around Hyderabad is going unchecked because the
sufferers are mostly Telanganites.
7. SHARE OF POLITICAL POWER
With 41.5% population and 43% land share, Telangana became minority in united Andhra
Pradesh. We were promised of sharing power with Deputy Chief Minister post which was never
implemented. The very first Chief Minister of united Andhra Pradesh abolished the deputy chief
minister post. There were 4 Chief Ministers from Telangana who lasted only for a total of 6.3
years out of 54 years of Andhra Pradesh. Many Andhraites became MLAs in Telangana region.
Many political and government institutions like Corporations got heads from Andhra area only.
There were no political leaders from telangana served as CM for complete five years, Telangana
CMs ruled only 6 years, remaining years ruled by either Andhra or Rayalaseema Leaders.
30 Sep 1971 - 10 Jan 1973 P.V. Narasimha Rao
6 Mar 1978 - 11 Oct 1980 Marri Channa Reddy (1st time)
11 Oct 1980 - 24 Feb 1982 Tanguturi Anjaiah
3 Dec 1989 - 17 Dec 1990 Marri Channa Reddy (2nd time)
During P.V .Narasimha rao's rule, he faced 'JAI ANDHRA' movement. During Chenna Reddy
second tenure, he stepped down because of Hyderabad's communal violence. Thus, there is
"denial of Fair-Share" in the 'high offices' of the legislature to the M.L.As and M.L.Cs from
Telangana who are 119 out of 294 in the Assembly and 40 MLCs out of 90 in the Council. In
this connection you may consider the following 'facts and instances' to realize how and in what
manner the Telangana legislators were 'denied' their "Fair-Share" in respect of 'high offices' like
Speaker of the Assembly and Chairman of the Council and other high offices
Holders of ‘high offices’ in the Legislature:
1 Speaker :Sri. N. Kiran Kumar Reddy from Chittoor, Seema Andhra
2 Deputy Speaker: Sri. N. Manohar from Guntur ,Seema Andhra
3 Chairman of Legislative Council: Dr. A. Chakrapani from Kurnool, Seema Andhra
4 Deputy Chairman of the Council: Sri. Mohd Jani from Guntur, SeemaAndhra
5Minister for Legislative Affairs: Sri. K. Roshaiah from Guntur ,SeemaAndhra
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
It is evident that all the '5 offices' are held by Hon'ble Members hailing from Andhra region and
NONE from Telangana which has 10 districts and 42% of the State population. And what is
more astonishing is that legislators of Rayalaseema with 17.6% population of the state are
holding the most coveted posts like Speaker of the Assembly and Chairman of the Council. This
is something unimaginable under any democratic government and in particular in the light of the
"terms and conditions of merger" of Telangana with Andhra State
It is indeed a very sensitive issue which involves ‘self-respect’ or 'Atma Gauravam' of
Telangana people. In other words ‘ignoring' the Telangana Legislators amounts to 'violating' the
'democratic rights' of the 4 crore people of Telangana. It is for these reasons that Telangana
people have come to the conclusion that Telangana has become a COLONY of Andhras
who DOMINATE in all branches of Government only to exploit the people of Telangana.
IN THE CIRCUMSTANCES THEY ARE OF THE 'FIRM OPINION' THAT THE ONLY
'REMEDY' FOR ALL THESE ILLS LIES IN "BIFURCATION OF ANDHRA
PRADESH".
8. HYDERABAD
AN IMPRESSION IS SOUGHT TO BE CREATED THAT THE DEVELOPMENT OF
HYDERABAD TOOK PLACE AFTER IT BECAME THE CAPITAL OF ANDHRA
PRADESH. It is a travesty of truth. The fact is that the plight of erstwhile Andhra State in
locating its capital could be mitigated only because of the formation of Andhra Pradesh and
giving to it, on a silver platter, an already well developed capital of erstwhile Hyderabad State.
The development that has taken place in and around the capital city, after the formation of
Andhra Pradesh, is natural and is comparable to the development that has taken place in other
major cities of the country. It is to be realized that at the time of formation of Andhra Pradesh,
Hyderabad was the fifth largest city in the country and even now it continues to be in the same
position. On the other hand, the growth of Visakhapatnam has been faster than the growth of
Hyderabad and Secunderabad cities.
The argument that Hyderabad is developed by the Andhraites or people who came and settled is
not true. When the great floods of 1900’s ravaged away the Hyderabad, Nizam ordered engineers to
design the city in a proper way and the result was Mokshagundam Vishveshwarayya, the legendary
civil engineer designed the city with good sanitary system with well lined drainages canals to
discharge the downpour etc. In 1956, Hyderabad was a place with an Airport, Railway lines to
connect it to main land built by Nizam.
The unabated vociferous chanting by people from Andhra for credit for Hyderabad’s
development is a hollow rhetoric. City of Hyderabad was judged as highly developed prior
to India"s independence. It ranked high among the beautiful cities in India in terms of
cleanliness, underground sanitation, gardens, wide roads, lakes, robust infrastructure and
sustainable economy. The precious Kohinoor diamond came from Hyderabad. The old buildings
are still the architectural marvels that reflect the fusion of Islamic, Italian and Hindu
architectures. Some examples of these are Charminar, Osmania University, Mecca Masjid,
Falaknuma palace, Assembly building, etc. Spawned around the city are beautiful lakes -
Hussain Sagar, Himayat Sagar and Osman Sagar.
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
The merger of the Andhra and Telangana also saw the slow death of the Telangana indurtries
viz: Ajamjhahi mills, Sirpur Sirsilk mills, Anthargam spinning mills, DBR mills, Alwyn metal
works, Praga Tools, Republic forge. The Nizam Sugar Factory is now on the verge of extinction.
This record does not add up to any development.
Huge monstrous ugly cement flyovers eclipsing the beauty of the city do not constitute
development either. Adding bricks, mortar and cement to the already overcrowded city leaving
debris all over is not a measure of development. Sathyam Computers sure is an Andhra
investment but one mired in fraud and deception. Could this be a barometer for development?
Whatever development that Hyderabad achieved through government investment is
neither the generosity of Andhras nor that of Telanganites.
Hi Tech city lies way out in the suburb of Hyderabad and it does not constitute part of
Hyderabad per say. It survives because of foreign investments such as Microsoft, Oracle, Dell,
Motorola, Deloitte, HSBC, GE, and out of State investors like Tata Consultancy, Infosys, Wipro,
etc. Should we call these as Andhra investors.
IT IS NO DENYING THAT EVER SINCE THE MERGER OF THE TWO, HYDERABAD
HAD BECOME A MECCA FOR SHADY REAL ESTATE DEALERS WITH EXPERTISE IN
LAND GRABBING AND ILLEGAL ACQUISITIONS OF GOVERNMENT LANDS IN
COLLUSION WITH THE MEN IN POWER.
THE EXPENSIVE MEDIA BLITZ UNLEASHED NOW BY ANDHRAS, WHIPPING THE
FEAR OF GETTING EVICTED IF TELANGANA WERE TO SEPARATE HAS NO TRUTH.
INSTEAD, IT HAS THE LURKING FEAR OF LOSING THE LUCRATIVE REAL ESTATE
SHENANIGANS IN AND AROUND HYDERABAD, AND THE CHILLING REALITY OF
BEING EXPOSED TO LEGAL INVESTIGATION INTO THEIR ILL GOTTEN MONEY BY
THE INCOMING TELANGANA GOVERNMENT.
Hyderabad is also characterized by a very significant presence of the urban poor, with a growing poverty
profile. Slum settlements have multiplied over decades and the living conditions of the poor have not
improved. Environmental decline, vehicular pollution, inadequate basic services and infrastructure in
the poor settlements hit the poor hardest. Slums are scattered across the city and surrounding
municipalities, with high population densities and the number of people inhabiting them estimated to be
around two million. People of Telangana had put their sweat in developing the city and all the fruits of
development have been hijacked by Andhra migrants and local politicians.
Does anyone wonder where the native people of these villages are now? They shifted to neighboring
villages and you can find majority of them running road-side chai shops and working as laborers in
Andhra establishments. When the original Hyderabadi isn’t able to enjoy the fruits of the so called
development by Andhraites, should we still regard their contribution as ‘development of
Hyderabad’? But in fact Hyderabad has been a real victim and destroyed in the last 40 years. Where
have the lakes gone, where has Urdu gone, who is responsible for communal politics in Hyderabad and
Telangana, who has taken Wakf lands, who destroyed Telangana culture and language, what is the
meaning of setting up of 40 SEZs around Hyderabad out of 50 SEZs in AP?
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
In India any citizen can go and settle anywhere in the country, but why Andhra leadership fears if
they have not committed any sins. The ‘Unified State’ protagonists do not have much to lose
if they accede to the demand of Telangana, because even under Telangana State,
Hyderabad will retain its diversity. The Seemandhra students fears that they will lose job
opportunities in Hyderabad if Telangana is created are unfounded. Most of the jobs in
Hyderabad are in private sector, especially in I.T. industry are open to all the Indians. Are
not students of AP working in IT sector in Mumbai, Bangalore, Chennai etc.
Damage through Universities
There has been a huge damage done through universities by shifting major universities of Telangana to
Hyderabad and showing the development at the cost of rural Telangana. Addition to the six universities
with regional jurisdiction, there are six more universities having their jurisdiction over the entire State.
None of these universities is located in the Telangana region. Of these six universities, the University of
Health Sciences is located in the Coastal Andhra region (Vijayawada) and the Women's University in the
Rayalaseema region (Tirupati), while all the other four universities, i.e., Agricultural University,
Technological University, Open University and Telugu University are in the capital city. Further, the
Agricultural and Technological Universities have their campuses and colleges in the Coastal Andhra and
Rayalaseema regions as well, but no such facility exists in the Telangana region. It may be recalled that
the Technological University was actually started at Warangal in the Telangana region, but was
subsequently shifted to Hyderabad for inexplicable reasons. Similarly, the Open University was initially
launched at Nalgonda in the Telangana Region, but was later started in the capital city, again for no valid
reasons.
SIR, AS MENTIONED ABOVE TELANGANA IS SUFFERING AT THE HANDS OF
ANDHRA EVER SINCE 1956, WHICH SHOULD BE STOPPED ONE DAY. THIS
SHOULD BE DONE BY YOUR HON’ BLE COMMITTEE BY RECOMMENDING
STATEHOOD TO TELANGANA, A HITORIC DECISION AND MOMENT THE
ENTIRE WORLD IS WAITING FOR.
The Background of the Telangana movement refers to the political and social conditions under which Telangana region and Andhra state was merged to form the state of Andhra Pradesh and sub-sequent movements in Telangana to invalidate the merger to form the Telangana state.
A Communist-led peasant revolt started in Telangana in 1946, which lasted until 1951. Hyderabad state included 9 Telugu speaking districts of Telangana, 4 Kannada districts in Gulbarga division & 4 Marathi speaking districts in Aurangabad division. Rangareddy district was carved out of Hyderabad district of Telangana in 1978. Now Telangana has 10 districts. The Central Government appointed a civil servant, M. K. Vellodi, as First Chief Minister of Hyderabad state on 26 January 1950. He administered the state with the help of bureaucrats from Madras state and Bombay state. In 1952, Dr. Burgula Ramakrishna Rao was elected Chief minister of Hyderabad State in the first democratic election. During this time there were violent agitations by some Telanganites to send back bureaucrats from Madras state, and to strictly implement 'Mulki-rules'(Local jobs for locals only), which was part of Hyderabad state law since 1919.[4]
In 1952, Telugu-speaking people were distributed in about 22 districts, 9 of them in the former Nizam's dominions of the princely state of Hyderabad, 12 in the Madras Presidency (Andhra region), and one in French-controlled Yanam. Meanwhile, Telugu-speaking areas in the Andhra region were carved out of the erstwhile Madras state by leaders like Potti Sri Ramulu to create Andhra State in 1953, with Kurnool as its capital.[5][6][7]
The States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) was not in favour of an immediate merger of Telugu speaking Telangana region with Andhra state, despite their common language. Paragraph 382 of the States Reorganisation Commission Report (SRC) said "opinion in Andhra is overwhelmingly in favour of the larger unit; public opinion in Telangana has still to crystallize itself. Important leaders of public opinion in Andhra themselves seem to appreciate that the unification of Telangana with Andhra, though desirable, should be based on a voluntary and willing association of the people and that it is primarily for the people of Telangana to take a decision about their future". The people of Telangana had several concerns. The region had a less-developed economy than Andhra, but with a larger revenue base (mostly because it taxed rather than prohibited alcoholic beverages), which people of Telangana feared might be diverted for use in Andhra. They feared that planned irrigation projects on the Krishna and Godavari rivers would not benefit Telangana proportionately, even though people of Telangana controlled the headwaters of the rivers. It was feared that the people of Andhra, who had access to higher standards of education under the British rule, would have an unfair advantage in seeking government and educational jobs.
The commission proposed that the Telangana region be constituted as a separate state with a provision for unification with Andhra state, after the 1961 general elections, if a resolution could be passed in the Telangana state assembly with a two-thirds majority. The Chief Minister of Hyderabad State, Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, expressed his view that a majority of Telangana people were against the merger.[9] He supported the Congress party's central leadership decision to merge Telangana and Andhra despite opposition in Telangana.[10] Andhra state assembly passed a resolution on 25 November 1955 to provide safeguards to Telangana. The resolution said, "Assembly would further like to assure the people in Telangana that the development of that area would be deemed to be special charge, and that certain priorities and special protection will be given for the improvement of that area, such as reservation in services and educational institutions on the basis of population and irrigational development."[11] Telangana leaders did not believe the safeguards would work.[12][13] With lobbying from Andhra Congress leaders and with pressure from the Central leadership of Congress party, an agreement was reached between Telangana leaders and Andhra leaders on 20 February 1956 to merge Telangana and Andhra with promises to safeguard Telangana's interests.[14][15]
Prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru initially was skeptical of merging Telangana with Andhra State, fearing a "tint of expansionist imperialism" in it.[16][17] He compared the merger to a matrimonial alliance having "provisions for divorce" if the partners in the alliance cannot get on well.[18][19][20] Following the Gentlemen's agreement, the central government established a unified Andhra Pradesh on November 1, 1956.[5][21][22] The agreement provided reassurances to Telangana in terms of power-sharing as well as administrative domicile rules and distribution of expenses of various regions. Anti-Nehru politics emerged with the repression of the Telengana movement; many within the Congress Party extended their hands to leftist causes. Feroze Gandhi was among them.[23]
The share of education funding for Telangana ranges from 9.86% in government-aided primary schools to 37.85% in government degree colleges. The above numbers include the expenditure in Hyderabad. Budget allocations to Telangana are generally less than 1/3 of the total Andhra Pradesh budget. There are allegations that in most years, funds allocated to Telangana were never spent. According to Professor Jayashankar only 20% of the total Government employees, less than 10% of employees in the secretariat, and less than 5% of department heads in the Andhra Pradesh government are from Telangana; those from other regions make up the bulk of employment.[26][27][28] He also alleged that the state was represented by Telangana chief ministers for only 6 1/2 years out of over five decades of its existence, with no chief minister from the region being in power continuously for more than 2 1/2 years.[26] As per Srikrishna committee on Telangana, Telangana held the position of CM for 10.5 years while Seema-Andhra region held it for 42 years.[29] Proponents of a separate Telangana state feel that the agreements, plans, and assurances from the legislature and Lok Sabha over the last fifty years have not been honoured, and as a consequence Telangana has remained neglected, exploited, and backward. They allege that the experiment to remain as one state has proven to be a futile exercise and that separation is the best solution.[30][31][32]
Andhra state and Telangana was merged to form Andhra Pradesh state on 1 November 1956 after providing safeguards to Telangana in the form of Gentlemen's agreement.
Grievances of Telangana proponents
Proponents of a separate Telangana state feel that the agreements, plans, and assurances from the legislature and Lok Sabha over the last fifty years have not been honoured, and as a consequence Telangana has remained neglected, exploited, and backward. They allege that the experiment of Andhra Pradesh to remain as one state has proven to be a futile exercise and that separation is the best solution.[2][3][4]
In parenthesis (MP seats/MLA seats from Andhra Pradesh)[6][7]
(a) Parties which were in favour of Telangana state before 9 December 2009, but changed the stand to neutral on 10 December 2009, the day the process for formation of Telangana state was announced by central government and later retracted on 23 December.
(b) After 9 December 2009, Jagan Mohan Reddy as a Congress MP opposed the Telangana state formation. After he formed the YSR Congress party, it adopted a neutral stand.[8]
(c) Changed their stand in 2012.
(d) TDP representatives gave a letter signed by its president to Home minister of India during the all party meeting on December 28, 2012. Letter said that the party had never withdrawn its letter to Pranab Mukharjee in 2008 which supported Telangana state formation.
(e) MIM is for United state. If division is unavoidable they want Rayala-Telangana with Hyderabad as capital. They oppose Hyderabad being union territory.
On 21 September 1973, a political settlement was reached with the Government of India with a Six-Point Formula. It was agreed upon by the leaders of the two regions to prevent any recurrence of such agitations in the future. To avoid legal problems, constitution was amended (32nd amendment) to give the legal sanctity to the Six-point formula.[12]
In 1985, when Telangana employees complained about the violations to six point formula, government enacted government order 610 (GO 610) to correct the violations in recruitment. As Telangana people complained about non implementation of GO 610, in 2001, government constituted Girglani commission to look into violations.[13]
In 1997, the state unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) passed a resolution seeking a separate Telangana.[14] A new party called Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS), led by Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao (KCR), was formed in 2001 with the single-point agenda of creating a separate Telangana state with Hyderabad as its capital.[15]
In 2001, the Congress Working Committee sent a resolution to the NDA government for constituting a second SRC to look into the Telangana state demand. This was rejected by then union home minister L.K. Advani citing that smaller states were neither viable nor conducive to the integrity of the country.[16]
In April 2002, Advani wrote a letter to MP A. Narendra rejecting a proposal to create Telangana state explaining that “regional disparities in economic development could be tackled through planning and efficient use of available resources”. He said that the NDA government, therefore, does “not propose creation of a separate state of Telangana”[17] However in 2012, Advani said that if their then partner TDP cooperated during NDA tenure, a separate state of Telangana could have been created.[18]
For these elections, the Congress party and the TRS forged an electoral alliance in the Telangana region to consider the demand of separate Telangana State. Congress came to power in the state and formed a coalition government at the centre; TRS joined the coalition after the common minimum programme of the coalition government included that the demand for separate Telangana state will be considered after due consultations and consensus.[20]
In February 2009 the state government declared that it had no objection, in principle, to the formation of separate Telangana and that the time had come to move forward decisively on this issue. To resolve related issues, the government constituted a joint house committee.[21] In the lead-up to the 2009 General Elections in India, all the major parties in Andhra Pradesh supported the formation of Telangana.[22]
In the 2009 elections TRS managed to win only 10 assembly seats out of the 45 it contested and only 2 MP seats. Some media analysts thought Telangana sentiment faded.[23]
Within few months of getting re-elected as popular CM, Y. S. Rajasekhara Reddy (YSR) died in a helicopter crash in September 2009. This resulted in a leadership crisis within the Congress party and also created a political vacuum in the state.[24] During this time, TRS president K. Chandrashekar Rao (KCR) raised his pitch for the separate state. On 29 November 2009, he started a fast-unto-death, demanding that the Congress party introduce a Telangana bill in Parliament.[25] Student organisations, employee unions, and various organisations joined the movement.[26] General strikes shut down Telangana on 6 and 7 December.[27] In an all party meeting called by the state government on the night of 7 December to discuss regarding KCR's fast and how to handle it,[28] all major Opposition parties extended their support for a separate state for Telangana. The state Congress and its ally Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen have left it to the Congress high command to take a final decision. Minutes of the meeting were faxed to Congress high command.[29]
BJP leader and leader of opposition in Lok Sabha, Sushma Swaraj in 2010 said that they would have formed the Telangana State along with Jharkhand, Chattisgarh and Uttarakhand in year 2000 but the Telugu Desam, which extended outside support to it, opposed the plan.[33]
On 3 February, the government announced the five-member committee headed by Justice SriKrishna that would look into the issue.[34]
Days before the Srikrishna committee submitted its report to the Central government, KCR declared that his party was ready to wash Sonia Gandhi's feet if she gives Telangana. He said his party is associated with the movement and was willing to dissolve the party if the state was formed.[43]
In an all-party meeting on 6 January 2011, which was boycotted by the TRS, BJP and TDP, the Home ministry released the 505-page Srikrishna committee . The report discusses six solutions to the problem. The preferred option is keeping the State united by simultaneously providing certain definite constitutional and statutory measures for socio-economic development and political empowerment of Telangana region through the creation of a statutorily-empowered Telangana Regional Council. The second best option is bifurcation of the State into Telangana and Seemandhra as per existing boundaries, with Hyderabad as the capital of Telangana and Seemandhra to have a new capital.[44][45]
On 23 March 2011, Justice L Narasimha Reddy of Andhra Pradesh high court ordered central government to make contents of 8th chapter of Sri Krishna Committee, which was submitted in a sealed secret cover to the centre.[46] Justice in his 60 page judgement said "The Committee travelled beyond the terms of reference in its endeavour to persuade the Union of India not to accede to the demand for Telangana". The judgement also quoted the SKC report's 8th chapter and said "The manoeuvre suggested by the Committee in its secret supplementary note poses an open challenge, if not threat, to the very system of democracy."
On 26 April, a division bench comprising the Chief Justice of the AP high court has stayed the order of Justice L Narasimha Reddy who had directed the Centre to make public the secret Chapter.[47][48]
Million March was organised by Telangana JAC in Hyderabad on 10 March 2010. In a move to disrupt the march, police arrested over thousand activists throughout the region and closed down entry to Hyderabad city by stopping certain transportation services and diverting traffic.[54][55][56] Around 50,000 people reached the venue of the march, Tank Bund by hoodwinking police.[57] Telangana activists damaged 16 statues of personalties representing Telugu culture language and threw some of the remnants into the lake.[58]
In November 2011, Telangana Rashtra Samiti Vidyarthi Vibhagam ( TRSV) state president Balki Suman was arrested by Hyderabad police after cases were registered against him in connection with damaging statues on Tank Bund during the 'Million March,' attacking police personnel, damaging police and media vehicles.[59]
On a call given by JAC, road blockades on national highways throughout Telangana, rail blockade and the strike of auto rikshaw union were organized on 24 and 25 September causing disruption in transport services.[68][69] Virtually all sections of people joined this strike.[70] On 30 September, as the strike entered the 18th day, even while Congress central leadership met several Telangana congress leaders, JAC called a bundh in Hyderabad city.[71] On 2 October, JAC leaders, employee unions leaders and TRS leaders including KCR met Prime minister to explain the situation in Telangna due to the strike and asked to expedite the decision on the statehood demand.[72] The strike has resulted in an unprecedented power crisis in the state with only 223 MU of power generated against the demand of 275MU impacting both the industry and agriculture.[73]
Due to Rail blockade call on 15 October 110 trains were cancelled and 68 trains were diverted by authorities. The railways operated 12 trains and Hyderabad metro trails with full police protection. Telangana protestors tried to have sit in on rail platforms or on railway tracks at various places. Police arrested thousands of protesters including 8 MPs and 4 MLAs.[74][75] On October 16 public transport employees called off the strike. Within days other unions too called off the strike one after another. After 42 days, on 24 October, remaining employees unions called off the strike. M. Kodandaram said that the strike had impacted the overall thinking of the Centre towards creation of separate State and the movement will continue with other protest activities.[76]
On 1 November, Congress MLA Komatireddy Venkat Reddy started an indefinite hunger strike until the Centre announced a roadmap for Telangana state.[78] On 6 November, the fast was broken when Police arrested him under Section 309 of IPC (attempt to commit suicide) and shifted him to NIMS, Hyderabad where he is under intravenous fluids. He ended his fast on 9 November.[79] 97-year old Freedom fighter Konda Laxman Bapuji also launched his week-long satyagraha at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi, demanding statehood to the region.[80]
Bye elections took place on March 18 in 6 Telangana assembly seats. 5 seats fell vacant due to quitting of 5 MLAs from Congress & TDP citing the unwillingness of their respective party leadership to take a stand on Telangana issue. The Mahbubnagar seat fell vacant due to the death of a sitting independent MLA. TRS won 4 out of 5 seats it contested with huge majorities ranging from 15,024 to 44,465. In 2 out of the 4 seats won by TRS (Kamareddy & Adilabad), the TRS candidates polled less number of votes compared to 2009 assembly elections when they contested as candidates from TDP which was in alliance with TRS.[84][85] Ex-TDP MLA Nagam Janardhan Reddy won from Nagarkurnool seat as an independent with TJAC support. Congress lost deposit in one constituency and TDP in 3 constituencies.[86][87]
Bye-polls were conducted for 18 Assembly seats and 1 Parliament seat on June 12. These were necessitated after 17 MLAs (including Parkal MLA from Telangana region) & 1 MP were disqualified after they supported the YSR Congress party (YSRCP). Another seat fell vacant due to the resignation of Chiranjeevi after he became a Rajya Sabha member. Overall, the YSRCP won 15 assembly seats and the lone Parliament seat in Seema-Andhra region. TRS's candidate managed to win the Parkal seat with a slender majority of 1562 votes over YSRCP candidate Konda Surekha. TDP finished third after polling 30,000 votes and retained its deposit. Both BJP & Congress lost their deposits. TRS leaders who were unhappy with the slender majority blamed it on the split of pro-Telangana votes and also due to electroral signs (Auto and hat) of some independents which they claimed looked similar to their electoral symbol - Car.[88] They also said that all the votes polled in Parkal were cast in favour of the Telangana sentiment as all the parties promised to work for Telangana and reiterated that the Congress has to realize that it is losing its base in the entire state[89]
In September 2012, Sushilkumar Shinde,the newly appointed Home minister of India commented that the Telangana demand needs to be handled carefully since similarly carved smaller states saw increased Naxal problems.[90] Addressing a public meeting in Nizamabad district, AIMIM president Asaduddin Owaisi said that formation of a separate Telangana state is not possible and reaffirmed his party's stand on the issue. He also said that Muslims would not accept a separate state.[91]
On August 14, 2012, KCR gave a deadline to the centre to declare statehood in 2 weeks and promised to launch another round of agitation if the centre doesn't.[92] He later declared that he got feelers that a positive announcement will be made by Eid.[93] In another interview after Eid, he remarked that Sonia Gandhi has always been in favour of Telangana and that the central government will call his party for discussions in "few weeks or so"[94] On September 6, KCR left for Delhi and announced that the issue will be resolved by end of September.[95] After his 23 day stay in Delhi, KCR returned to Hyderabad hoping for a final round of talks with the Congress leadership on the issue. He claimed that his discussions with several leaders was fruitful.[96]
All pro-Telangana parties pledged their support to the march.[107] Certain eminent citizens of Telangana wrote a letter to the President of India asking for permission for march and expressed their concern that forceful preventive detentions of leaders will lead to more counter violence from the protestors.[108]
On September 28, after long discussions between JAC leaders and ministers from Telangana region, the state government ignoring warnings about possible breakdown of law & order, gave permission to the March.The JAC leaders gave written assurance to the government that the agitation programme will be conducted in a peaceful and "gandhian" manner from 3pm to 7pm on September 30 on the Necklace road on the edge of Hussain Sager lake.[109][110] Indian Railways cancelled several express & passenger trains and all local and sub-urban train services in Hyderabad reportedly on the advise of Police.[111] Amidst allegations from JAC leaders of having arrested a lot of Telangana supporters and preventing their movement towards Necklace road, Police claimed that they did not make any fresh arrests and that all those arrested prior to the permission were released.[112] They allowed entry to the venue through 3 designated routes while pro-Telangana groups demanded access through all routes. The Police also said that there was no permission for any other rallies in the city.[113]
Though Police sealed all the entry points to the Necklace Road and opened only the Buddha Bhavan route, by 4pm around 2 lakh protestors including various party leaders and their supporters reached the venue from all routes. Coming under attack from both sides, the police ceded the entire Necklace Road to the protesters who marched on till Jal Vihar. According to the Police, the protesters torched two police vehicles at People's Plaza on the Necklace Road.[117] The mobs also set afire three police vehicles, a couple of media outdoor broadcasting vans, machinery and a temporary cabin room of a construction company.[118] The protesters made an attempt to set on fire a local train at Khairatabad station.[114] At the railway’s Hussainsagar junction cabin, around 1,000 Telangana supporters went on a rampage overpowering over 100 uniformed men stationed in the area and burnt down the cabin after manhandling railway staff. The entire signalling system was damaged and officials pegged the loss at around Rs. 60 lakh.[119]
All Telugu news channels covering the March were blocked by police for some time. The move was apparently aimed at preventing the spread of violence to other parts of the city.[117]
In his address to the crowds, M. Kodandaram said that peaceful and disciplined soldiers were fighting for the Telangana statehood. He said that they did not want to indulge in any kind of violence, in spite of hurdles being put up by the police to prevent people attending the March. He also alleged that some conspirators from other regions of the state had already infiltrated and trying to create violence and throw the blame on the protestors. He appealed not to destroy public properties, attack or manhandle media-persons.[120]
After 7pm, TJAC leaders violated the deadline and refused to leave the venue till the government issues a statement on Telangana.[121] Police first used water cannons and later lobbed tear gas shells on the crowd and on to the stage to force the protestors to leave the venue.[122] Finally at midnight the JAC called off the March citing heavy rain and injured supporters. Seeing an helicopter circle over the venue for few times, some protestors speculated that the government used cloud seeding to cause heavy rains.[123] The TJAC declared a bandh for the next two days and vowed to launch a hunger strike across the region.[124] They also announced that the agitation would take a serious turn, if the police continued to use repression to stop them. Kodandaram demanded the resignation of ministers from the region and force them to pressurize the Central government to grant the separate state.[118][125] Police officials claimed that the obstacles put by them made it possible to reduce number of protestors which otherwise would have been running up to many lakhs.[98][126]
TJAC convenor Swamy Goud claimed that they failed to lead the rally effectively and that they could have been more assertive to regulate mischievous elements. They claimed that this experience has shown the need to have a stronger leadership, and appealed to KCR to lead from the front.[129] He later joined the TRS and KCR announced him as their party MLC candidate for the forthcoming elections in the region.[130]
The provinces were at the time governed in a feudal manner, with Zamindars in areas such as Kulla and other parts of the Godavari acting as lords under the Nizam. The feudal or zamindari system was removed after independence.
Zamindaris in Famous Madaras state
Zamindaris in Famous Madaras state is Ruled by Padamanayakas
The government of the day however did not make a clear statement about the formation of a new state despite several strikes and demonstrations by Telugu people. On the midnight of 15 December (i.e. early 16 December 1952), Potti Sriramulu died and laid down his life trying to achieve his objective.
In his death procession, people shouted slogans praising his sacrifice. When the procession reached Mount Road, thousands of people joined and raised slogans hailing Sriramulu. Later, they went into a frenzy and resorted to destruction of public property. The news spread like wildfire and created an uproar among the people in far off places like Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam, Vijayawada, Eluru, Guntur, Tenali, Ongole and Nellore. Seven people were killed in police firing in Anakapalle and Vijayawada. The popular agitation continued for three to four days disrupting normal life in Madras and Andhra regions. On 19 December 1952, the Prime Minister of the country Jawaharlal Nehru made an announcement about formation of a separate state for Telugu speaking people of Madras Presidency.
House no. 126, Royapettah high road, Mylapore, Madras is the address of the house where Potti Sriramulu died and it has been preserved as a monument of importance by the state government of Andhra Pradesh.
On the basis of an agitation, on October 1, 1953, 11 districts in the Telugu-speaking portion of Madras State (Coastal Andhra and Rayala Seema) voted to become the new state of Andhra State with Kurnool as the capital. Andhra Kesari Tanguturi Prakasam Pantulu became first Chief Minister of thus formed Telugu State.
The formation of linguistic states is the single most important event in the history of South Indian languages, as it provided an opportunity for these languages to develop independently, each of them having a state to support.
The Chief Minister of Hyderabad State, Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, expressed his view that a majority of Telangana people were against the merger.[24] He supported the Congress party's central leadership decision to merge Telangana and Andhra despite opposition in Telangana.[25][26] Andhra state assembly passed a resolution on 25 November 1955 to provide safeguards to Telangana. The resolution said, "Assembly would further like to assure the people in Telangana that the development of that area would be deemed to be special charge, and that certain priorities and special protection will be given for the improvement of that area, such as reservation in services and educational institutions on the basis of population and irrigational development."[27] Telangana leaders did not believe the safeguards would work.[28][29] With lobbying from Andhra Congress leaders and with pressure from the Central leadership of Congress party, an agreement was reached between Telangana leaders and Andhra leaders on 20 February 1956 to merge Telangana and Andhra with promises to safeguard Telangana's interests.[30][31]
Andhra state and Telangana was merged to form Andhra Pradesh state on 1 November 1956 after providing safeguards to Telangana in the form of Gentlemen's agreement.
Proponents of a separate Telangana state feel that the agreements, plans, and assurances from the legislature and Lok Sabha over the last fifty years have not been honoured, and as a consequence Telangana has remained neglected, exploited, and backward. They allege that the experiment of Andhra Pradesh to remain as one state has proven to be a futile exercise and that separation is the best solution.[33][34][35]
On December 9, 2009, Government of India announced process of formation of Telangana state. Due to objections raised in Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions immediately after the announcement, and due to the agitation in those regions for 14 days, the decision to form to new state was put on hold on December 23, 2009. The movement continues in Hyderabad and other districts of Telangana.[36]
IF YOU CAN GO THROUGH THIS PARTICULAR PDF FILE THEN U WILL COME TO KNOW THE DETAILS OF COMMITTEES AND COMMISSIONS ........THIS IS THE LINK OK.....
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Andhra State was a state in India created on October 1, 1953 from the Telugu-speaking northern districts of Madras Presidency. On November 1, 1956 it was merged with the Telangana region of Hyderabad State to form the united Telugu-speaking state of Andhra Pradesh.
Madras Manade movement
(మద్రాస్ మనదే మూమెంట్) In 1953, Telugu speakers of Madras Presidency wanted Madras as the capital of Andhra state including the famous slogan Madras Manade (Madras is ours) before Tirupati was included in AP. Madras, at that time was an indivisible mixture of Tamil and Telugu cultures.[1] It was difficult to determine who should possess it. Panagal Raja, Chief Minister of the Madras Presidency in the early 1920s said that the Cooum River should be kept as a boundary, giving the northern portion to the Andhras and the southern portion to the Tamils. In 1928, Sir C. Sankaran Nair sent a report to the Central Council discussing why Madras does not belong to the Tamils. Historically and geographically it was a part of the Andhra region. It was Damerla Ventakadri Nayakudu was provincial governor in 1639 from whom the English sought to take permission to set up a factory. The increasing political dominance of the Tamils from early 1920s at both Central and State level politics caused Madras to remain in the Tamil region. According to the JVP report (Jawahar Lal Nehru, Vallabhbhai Patel, Pattabhi Sitaramaiah) Telugu people were told that they should give up their claim over Madras City for inclusion in the new State of Andhra if they wanted a new state.[2]Creation of Andhra State
In an effort to protect the interests of the Telugu people of Madras state, Potti Sriramulu attempted to force the Madras state government to listen to public demands for the separation of Telugu speaking districts (Rayalaseema and Coastal Andhra) from Madras state to form the Andhra state. He went on a lengthy fast, and only stopped when Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru promised to form Andhra state. However, there was no movement on the issue for a long time. He started fasting again for attaining statehood for Andhra in Maharshi Bulusu Sambamurti's house in Madras on 19 October 1952. It started off without fanfare but steadily caught people's attention despite the disavowal of the fast by the Andhra Congress committee.The government of the day however did not make a clear statement about the formation of a new state despite several strikes and demonstrations by Telugu people. On the midnight of 15 December (i.e. early 16 December 1952), Potti Sreeramulu died and laid down his life trying to achieve his objective.[3]
In his death procession, people shouted slogans praising his sacrifice. When the procession reached Mount Road, thousands of people joined and raised slogans hailing Sriramulu. Later, they went into a frenzy and resorted to destruction of public property. The news spread like wildfire and created an uproar among the people in far off places like Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam, Vijayawada, Rajahmundry, Eluru, Guntur, Tenali, Ongole and Nellore. Seven people were killed in police firing in Anakapalle and Vijayawada. The popular agitation continued for three to four days disrupting normal life in Madras and Andhra regions. On 19 December 1952, the Prime Minister of the country Jawaharlal Nehru made an announcement about formation of a separate state for Telugu speaking people Madras state.
House No. 126, Royapethah High Road, Mylapore, Madras is the address of the house where Potti Sriramulu died and it has been preserved as a monument of importance by the state government of Andhra Pradesh.
On the basis of an agitation, on October 1, 1953, 11 districts in the Telugu-speaking portion of Madras State voted to become the new state of Andhra State with Kurnool as the capital. Andhra Kesari Tanguturi Prakasam Pantulu became first Chief Minister of thus formed Telugu State. Thus, Andhra State was a state created in India on October 1, 1953 from the Telugu-speaking northern districts of Madras Presidency. It comprised Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema Regions.
The formation of linguistic states is the single most important event in the history of South Indian languages, as it provided an opportunity for these languages to develop independently, each of them having a state to support.
Districts of Andhra state
Formation of Andhra Pradesh
On November 1, 1956 Andhra State and Telangana region of Hyderabad State are merged to form a united Telugu-speaking state of Andhra Pradesh. Non-Telugu speaking parts of Hyderabad State are merged with Maharashtra and Karnataka.SRC (Fazal Ali Commission)
Para 382 of States Reorganization Commission Report (SRC) said "opinion in Andhra is overwhelmingly in favour of the larger unit, public opinion in Telangana has still to crystallize itself. Important leaders of public opinion in Andhra themselves seem to appreciate that the unification of Telangana with Andhra, though desirable, should be based on a voluntary and willing association of the people and that it is primarily for the people of Telangana to take a decision about their future".Jai Andhra
Jai Telangana Movement started in 1969 and to seek justice. Nehru merged Telangana with Andhra State irrespective of local peoples' wishes and said if people did not want to continue they can be separated after 5 years. Jai Andhra Movement politicians started parallel during 1972-73 "Jai Andhra" movement was very active to separate Andhra from Andhra Pradesh, which was later suppressed.Telangana was the center of culture, learning, and power in the Deccan and India for centuries. Telangana's long and rich history was shaped by the great empires that have risen and fell in its area. After the decline of the influential Mauryan Empire, the Satavahana dynasty (230 BCE to 220 CE), the first great Telugu empire, came to be the dominant power in the region. It originated from the lands between the Godavari and Krishna Rivers. Kotilingala in Karimnagar was their first capital, before moving to Dharanikota. Excavations at Kotilingala revealed coinage of Simukha, the first Satavahana emperor. The Satavahana Empire was important in repelling foreign empires from India, such as the Kushans, Sakas and Greeks, thereby preserving Indian culture.
After the decline of the Satavahanas, various dynasties ruled the region such as the Vakatakas, Vishnukundinas, Chalukyas, Rashtrakutas and Western Chalukyas.
The region experienced its golden age during the reign of the Kakatiya dynasty, a Telugu dynasty from Warangal that ruled most parts of what is now Andhra Pradesh from 1083 to 1323 AD. Ganapatideva was known as the greatest of the Kakatiyas, and the first after the Satavahanas to bring the entire Telugu area under one rule. He put an end to the rule of the Cholas, who accepted his suzerainty in the year 1210. He established order in his vast dominion that stretched from the Godavari delta in the east to Raichur (in modern day Karnataka) in the west and from Karimnagar and Bastar (in modern day Chattisgarh) in the north to Srisailam and Tripurantakam, near Ongole, in the south. It was during his reign that the Golkonda fort was constructed. Rudrama Devi and Prataparudra were prominent rulers from the Kakatiya dynasty.
The great Vijayanagara Empire of South India may have had its origins in the Telugu Kakatiyas of Warangal. The Telugu origin of the dynasty proposes that first kings of the empires, brothers Bukka Raya I and Harihara I, were generals in the Kakatiya army. After defeat of the army by Muhammad bin Tughlaq, the brothers were taken prisoner and forced to convert to Islam. However, they managed escape, reconfirm their Hindu faith, and establish the Vijayanagara Empire.
The region came under the Muslim rule of the Delhi Sultanate in the 14th century, followed by Bahmanis, Qutb Shahis, and the Mughals.
Telangana Rebellion
Main article: Telangana Rebellion
The Telangana Rebellion was a peasant revolt which was later supported by the Communists. It took place in the former princely state of Hyderabad between 1946 and 1951. This was led by the Communist Party of India.[7]The revolt began in the Nalgonda district and quickly spread to the Warangal and Bidar districts. Peasant farmers and labourers revolted against the local feudal landlords (jagirdars and deshmukhs) and later against the Osman Ali Khan, Asif Jah VII. The violent phase of the movement ended after the central government sent in the army. Starting in 1951, the CPI shifted to a more moderate strategy of seeking to bring communism to India within the constraints of Indian democracy.[8]
Post-independence
When India became independent from the British Empire in 1947, the Nizam of Hyderabad did not want to merge with Indian Union and wanted to remain independent under the special provisions given to princely states. He even asked for a corridor, a passage from India. Rebellion had started throughout the state against the Nizam's rule and his army, known as the Razakars. The Government of India annexed Hyderabad State on 17 September 1948, in an operation by the Indian Army called Operation Polo which government called Police action. When India became independent, Telugu-speaking people were distributed in about 22 districts, 9 of them in the former Nizam's dominions of the princely state of Hyderabad, 12 in the Madras Presidency (Northern Circars), and one in French-controlled Yanam.The Central Government appointed a civil servant, M. K. Vellodi, as First Chief Minister of Hyderabad State on 26 January 1950. He administered the state with the help of bureaucrats from Madras State and Bombay State. In 1952, Dr. Burgula Ramakrishna Rao was elected Chief minister of Hyderabad State in the first democratic election. During this time there were violent agitations by some Telanganites to send back bureaucrats from Madras state, and to strictly implement rule by natives of Hyderabad.[9]
Meanwhile, Telugu-speaking areas in the Northern Circars and Rayalaseema regions were carved out of the erstwhile Madras state on the fast unto death by Potti Sri Ramulu to create Andhra State in 1953, with Kurnool as its capital.[10][11][12]
Merger of Telangana and Andhra
In December 1953, the States Reorganization Commission was appointed to study the creation of states on linguistic basis.[13] The States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) was not in favour of an immediate merger of Telangana region with Andhra state, despite their common language.Paragraph 382 of the States Reorganisation Commission Report (SRC) said "opinion in Andhra is overwhelmingly in favour of the larger unit; public opinion in Telangana has still to crystallize itself. Important leaders of public opinion in Andhra themselves seem to appreciate that the unification of Telangana with Andhra, though desirable, should be based on a voluntary and willing association of the people and that it is primarily for the people of Telangana to take a decision about their future".
The people of Telangana had several concerns. The region had a less-developed economy than Andhra, but with a larger revenue base (mostly because it taxed rather than prohibited alcoholic beverages), which people of Telangana feared might be diverted for use in Andhra. They feared that planned irrigation projects on the Krishna and Godavari rivers would not benefit Telangana proportionately, even though people of Telangana controlled the headwaters of the rivers. It was feared that the people of Andhra, who had access to higher standards of education under the British rule, would have an unfair advantage in seeking government and educational jobs.[citation needed]
The commission proposed that the Telangana region be constituted as a separate state with a provision for unification with Andhra state, after the 1961 general elections, if a resolution could be passed in the Telangana state assembly with a two-thirds majority.
The Chief Minister of Hyderabad State, Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, expressed his view that a majority of Telangana people were against the merger.[14] (evidence : url=http://missiontelangana.com/1954-1956-telangana-movement). He supported the Congress party's central leadership decision to merge Telangana and Andhra despite opposition in Telangana.[15] Andhra state assembly passed a resolution on 25 November 1955 to provide safeguards to Telangana. The resolution said, "Assembly would further like to assure the people in Telangana that the development of that area would be deemed to be special charge, and that certain priorities and special protection will be given for the improvement of that area, such as reservation in services and educational institutions on the basis of population and irrigational development."[16] Telangana leaders did not believe the safeguards would work.[17][18] An agreement was reached between Telangana leaders and Andhra leaders on 20 February 1956 to merge Telangana and Andhra with promises to safeguard Telangana's interests.[19][20]
Prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru initially was skeptical of merging Telangana with Andhra State, fearing a "tint of expansionist imperialism" in it.[21][22] He compared the merger to a matrimonial alliance having "provisions for divorce" if the partners in the alliance cannot get on well.[23][24]
Following the Gentlemen's agreement, the central government established a unified Andhra Pradesh on November 1, 1956.[10][25][26] The agreement provided reassurances to Telangana in terms of power-sharing as well as administrative domicile rules and distribution of expenses of various regions.
Anti-Nehru politics emerged with the repression of the Telengana movement; many within the Congress Party extended their hands to leftist causes. Feroze Gandhi was among them.[27]
Separate Telangana state movement
Main article: Telangana movement
There have several movements to invalidate the merger of Telangana
and Andhra, major ones occurring in 1969, 1972 and 2000s onwards. The Telangana movement
gained momentum over decades becoming a widespread political demand of
creating a new state from the Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh.[28]On December 9, 2009, Government of India announced process of formation of Telangana state. Due to objections raised in Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions immediately after the announcement, and due to the agitation in those regions for 14 days, the decision to form to new state was put on hold on December 23, 2009. The movement continues in Hyderabad and other districts of Telangana.[29][30]
Grievances of Telangana proponents
Telangana is the largest of the three regions of Andhra Pradesh state, covering 41.47% of its total area. It is inhabited by 40.54% of the state's population and contributes about 76% of the state's revenues, excluding the contribution of the central government. When the central government's contribution to revenue is included, Andhra Pradesh's revenue sources come from Telangana: 61.47% (including 37.17% from Hyderabad); from the central government: 19.86%; from Andhra: 14.71%; and from Rayalaseema: 3.90%.[31] Proponents of a separate Telangana state cite perceived injustices in the distribution of water, budget allocations, and jobs. Within the state of Andhra Pradesh, 68.5% of the catchment area of the Krishna River and 69% of the catchment area of the Godavari River are in the Telangana region. Telangana supporters state that the benefits of irrigation through the canal system under major irrigation projects is accruing substantially, 74.25%, to the Coastal Andhra region, while the share to Telangana is 18.20%. The remaining 7.55% goes to the Rayalaseema region.As per Volume-II of Krishna Water Dispute Tribunal Award - "The area which we are considering for irrigation formed part of Hyderabad State and had there been no division of that State, there were better chances for the residents of this area to get irrigation facilities in Mahboobnagar District. We are of the opinion that this area should not be deprived of the benefit of irrigation on account of the reorganisation of States.".[32]
There are allegations that in most years, funds allocated to Telangana were never spent. According to Professor Jayashankar only 20% of the total Government employees, less than 10% of employees in the secretariat, and less than 5% of department heads in the Andhra Pradesh government are from Telangana; those from other regions make up the bulk of employment.[33][34][35] He also alleged that the state was represented by Telangana chief ministers for only 6 1/2 years out of over five decades of its existence, with no chief minister from the region being in power continuously for more than 2 1/2 years.[33] As per Srikrishna committee on Telangana, Telangana held the position of CM for 10.5 years while Seema-Andhra region held it for 42 years.[36] Proponents of a separate Telangana state feel that the agreements, plans, and assurances from the legislature and Lok Sabha over the last fifty years have not been honoured, and as a consequence Telangana has remained neglected, exploited, and backward. They allege that the experiment to remain as one state has proven to be a futile exercise and that separation is the best solution.[
Telangana was the center of culture, learning, and power in the Deccan and India for centuries. Telangana's long and rich history was shaped by the great empires that have risen and fell in its area. After the decline of the influential Mauryan Empire, the Satavahana dynasty (230 BCE to 220 CE), the first great Telugu empire, came to be the dominant power in the region. It originated from the lands between the Godavari and Krishna Rivers. Kotilingala in Karimnagar was their first capital, before moving to Dharanikota. Excavations at Kotilingala revealed coinage of Simukha, the first Satavahana emperor. The Satavahana Empire was important in repelling foreign empires from India, such as the Kushans, Sakas and Greeks, thereby preserving Indian culture.
After the decline of the Satavahanas, various dynasties ruled the region such as the Vakatakas, Vishnukundinas, Chalukyas, Rashtrakutas and Western Chalukyas.
The region experienced its golden age during the reign of the Kakatiya dynasty, a Telugu dynasty from Warangal that ruled most parts of what is now Andhra Pradesh from 1083 to 1323 AD. Ganapatideva was known as the greatest of the Kakatiyas, and the first after the Satavahanas to bring the entire Telugu area under one rule. He put an end to the rule of the Cholas, who accepted his suzerainty in the year 1210. He established order in his vast dominion that stretched from the Godavari delta in the east to Raichur (in modern day Karnataka) in the west and from Karimnagar and Bastar (in modern day Chattisgarh) in the north to Srisailam and Tripurantakam, near Ongole, in the south. It was during his reign that the Golkonda fort was constructed. Rudrama Devi and Prataparudra were prominent rulers from the Kakatiya dynasty.
The great Vijayanagara Empire of South India may have had its origins in the Telugu Kakatiyas of Warangal. The Telugu origin of the dynasty proposes that first kings of the empires, brothers Bukka Raya I and Harihara I, were generals in the Kakatiya army. After defeat of the army by Muhammad bin Tughlaq, the brothers were taken prisoner and forced to convert to Islam. However, they managed escape, reconfirm their Hindu faith, and establish the Vijayanagara Empire.
The region came under the Muslim rule of the Delhi Sultanate in the 14th century, followed by Bahmanis, Qutb Shahis, and the Mughals.
Telangana Rebellion
Main article: Telangana Rebellion
The Telangana Rebellion was a peasant revolt which was later supported by the Communists. It took place in the former princely state of Hyderabad between 1946 and 1951. This was led by the Communist Party of India.[7]The revolt began in the Nalgonda district and quickly spread to the Warangal and Bidar districts. Peasant farmers and labourers revolted against the local feudal landlords (jagirdars and deshmukhs) and later against the Osman Ali Khan, Asif Jah VII. The violent phase of the movement ended after the central government sent in the army. Starting in 1951, the CPI shifted to a more moderate strategy of seeking to bring communism to India within the constraints of Indian democracy.[8]
Post-independence
When India became independent from the British Empire in 1947, the Nizam of Hyderabad did not want to merge with Indian Union and wanted to remain independent under the special provisions given to princely states. He even asked for a corridor, a passage from India. Rebellion had started throughout the state against the Nizam's rule and his army, known as the Razakars. The Government of India annexed Hyderabad State on 17 September 1948, in an operation by the Indian Army called Operation Polo which government called Police action. When India became independent, Telugu-speaking people were distributed in about 22 districts, 9 of them in the former Nizam's dominions of the princely state of Hyderabad, 12 in the Madras Presidency (Northern Circars), and one in French-controlled Yanam.The Central Government appointed a civil servant, M. K. Vellodi, as First Chief Minister of Hyderabad State on 26 January 1950. He administered the state with the help of bureaucrats from Madras State and Bombay State. In 1952, Dr. Burgula Ramakrishna Rao was elected Chief minister of Hyderabad State in the first democratic election. During this time there were violent agitations by some Telanganites to send back bureaucrats from Madras state, and to strictly implement rule by natives of Hyderabad.[9]
Meanwhile, Telugu-speaking areas in the Northern Circars and Rayalaseema regions were carved out of the erstwhile Madras state on the fast unto death by Potti Sri Ramulu to create Andhra State in 1953, with Kurnool as its capital.[10][11][12]
Merger of Telangana and Andhra
In December 1953, the States Reorganization Commission was appointed to study the creation of states on linguistic basis.[13] The States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) was not in favour of an immediate merger of Telangana region with Andhra state, despite their common language.Paragraph 382 of the States Reorganisation Commission Report (SRC) said "opinion in Andhra is overwhelmingly in favour of the larger unit; public opinion in Telangana has still to crystallize itself. Important leaders of public opinion in Andhra themselves seem to appreciate that the unification of Telangana with Andhra, though desirable, should be based on a voluntary and willing association of the people and that it is primarily for the people of Telangana to take a decision about their future".
The people of Telangana had several concerns. The region had a less-developed economy than Andhra, but with a larger revenue base (mostly because it taxed rather than prohibited alcoholic beverages), which people of Telangana feared might be diverted for use in Andhra. They feared that planned irrigation projects on the Krishna and Godavari rivers would not benefit Telangana proportionately, even though people of Telangana controlled the headwaters of the rivers. It was feared that the people of Andhra, who had access to higher standards of education under the British rule, would have an unfair advantage in seeking government and educational jobs.[citation needed]
The commission proposed that the Telangana region be constituted as a separate state with a provision for unification with Andhra state, after the 1961 general elections, if a resolution could be passed in the Telangana state assembly with a two-thirds majority.
The Chief Minister of Hyderabad State, Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, expressed his view that a majority of Telangana people were against the merger.[14] (evidence : url=http://missiontelangana.com/1954-1956-telangana-movement). He supported the Congress party's central leadership decision to merge Telangana and Andhra despite opposition in Telangana.[15] Andhra state assembly passed a resolution on 25 November 1955 to provide safeguards to Telangana. The resolution said, "Assembly would further like to assure the people in Telangana that the development of that area would be deemed to be special charge, and that certain priorities and special protection will be given for the improvement of that area, such as reservation in services and educational institutions on the basis of population and irrigational development."[16] Telangana leaders did not believe the safeguards would work.[17][18] An agreement was reached between Telangana leaders and Andhra leaders on 20 February 1956 to merge Telangana and Andhra with promises to safeguard Telangana's interests.[19][20]
Prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru initially was skeptical of merging Telangana with Andhra State, fearing a "tint of expansionist imperialism" in it.[21][22] He compared the merger to a matrimonial alliance having "provisions for divorce" if the partners in the alliance cannot get on well.[23][24]
Following the Gentlemen's agreement, the central government established a unified Andhra Pradesh on November 1, 1956.[10][25][26] The agreement provided reassurances to Telangana in terms of power-sharing as well as administrative domicile rules and distribution of expenses of various regions.
Anti-Nehru politics emerged with the repression of the Telengana movement; many within the Congress Party extended their hands to leftist causes. Feroze Gandhi was among them.[27]
Separate Telangana state movement
Main article: Telangana movement
There have several movements to invalidate the merger of Telangana
and Andhra, major ones occurring in 1969, 1972 and 2000s onwards. The Telangana movement
gained momentum over decades becoming a widespread political demand of
creating a new state from the Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh.[28]On December 9, 2009, Government of India announced process of formation of Telangana state. Due to objections raised in Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions immediately after the announcement, and due to the agitation in those regions for 14 days, the decision to form to new state was put on hold on December 23, 2009. The movement continues in Hyderabad and other districts of Telangana.[29][30]
Grievances of Telangana proponents
Telangana is the largest of the three regions of Andhra Pradesh state, covering 41.47% of its total area. It is inhabited by 40.54% of the state's population and contributes about 76% of the state's revenues, excluding the contribution of the central government. When the central government's contribution to revenue is included, Andhra Pradesh's revenue sources come from Telangana: 61.47% (including 37.17% from Hyderabad); from the central government: 19.86%; from Andhra: 14.71%; and from Rayalaseema: 3.90%.[31] Proponents of a separate Telangana state cite perceived injustices in the distribution of water, budget allocations, and jobs. Within the state of Andhra Pradesh, 68.5% of the catchment area of the Krishna River and 69% of the catchment area of the Godavari River are in the Telangana region. Telangana supporters state that the benefits of irrigation through the canal system under major irrigation projects is accruing substantially, 74.25%, to the Coastal Andhra region, while the share to Telangana is 18.20%. The remaining 7.55% goes to the Rayalaseema region.As per Volume-II of Krishna Water Dispute Tribunal Award - "The area which we are considering for irrigation formed part of Hyderabad State and had there been no division of that State, there were better chances for the residents of this area to get irrigation facilities in Mahboobnagar District. We are of the opinion that this area should not be deprived of the benefit of irrigation on account of the reorganisation of States.".[32]
There are allegations that in most years, funds allocated to Telangana were never spent. According to Professor Jayashankar only 20% of the total Government employees, less than 10% of employees in the secretariat, and less than 5% of department heads in the Andhra Pradesh government are from Telangana; those from other regions make up the bulk of employment.[33][34][35] He also alleged that the state was represented by Telangana chief ministers for only 6 1/2 years out of over five decades of its existence, with no chief minister from the region being in power continuously for more than 2 1/2 years.[33] As per Srikrishna committee on Telangana, Telangana held the position of CM for 10.5 years while Seema-Andhra region held it for 42 years.[36] Proponents of a separate Telangana state feel that the agreements, plans, and assurances from the legislature and Lok Sabha over the last fifty years have not been honoured, and as a consequence Telangana has remained neglected, exploited, and backward. They allege that the experiment to remain as one state has proven to be a futile exercise and that separation is the best solution.[30][37][38][39]
Geography
Telangana is situated in the central stretch of the eastern seaboard of the Indian Peninsula. Of the three regions of the state of Andhra Pradesh,[40] Telangana has the largest area, with 114,800 square kilometres (44,300 sq mi). The Deccan plateau is drained by two major rivers, the Godavari and the Krishna. 69% of the Krishna River and 79% of the Godavari River catchment area is in Telangana region. Telangana is also drained by other minor rivers such as Manair, Bhima, Dindi, Kinnerasani, Manjeera, Munneru, Moosi, Penganga, Praanahita, and Peddavagu and Taliperu.The area is divided into two main regions, the Eastern Ghats and the plains. The surface is dotted with low depressions.
Gentlemen's agreement of Andhra Pradesh (1956)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Gentlemen's agreement of Andhra Pradesh (1956) refers to a gentlemen's agreement that was signed between Telangana and Andhra leaders before the formation of the state of Andhra Pradesh
in 1956. The agreement provided safeguards with the purpose of
preventing discrimination against Telangana by the government of Andhra
Pradesh. The alleged violations of this agreement are cited as one of
the reasons for demands of separate statehood for Telangana.[1]Contents |
Background
The Gentlemen's agreement of Andhra Pradesh has a precedent in the Sribagh Pact of 1937 which was between the leaders of Rayalaseema and Coastal Telugu speaking districts of Madras State to provide assurances for Rayalaseema in return for their willingness to join Andhra State. This unbinding pact was largely forgotten probably because of the large political representation the region has had in the state governments since independence.When the Hyderabad State was freed from the Nizam of Hyderabad by police action, there was a debate in the Telugu speaking districts of the state(also known as Telangana) on whether to join the newly formed Andhra State, carved out of Telugu speaking districts of Madras state. To convince the leadership of Telangana to join the new state, an agreement was reached between the leaders of both sides. This came to be known as the Gentlemen's agreement. The agreement allowed the formation of the state of Andhra Pradesh in 1956 itself, against the recommendations of States Reorganisation Commission (SRC), which recommended "the Telangana area is to constitute into a separate State, which may be known as the Hyderabad State with provision for its unification with Andhra after the general elections likely to be held in or about 1961 if by a two thirds majority the legislature of the residency Hyderabad State expresses itself in favor of such unification(para 386)".
Agreement text
A Regional Standing Committee: 1. There will be one legislature for the whole of Andhra Pradesh which will be the sole law making body for the entire state and there be one Governor for the State aided and advised by the Council of Ministers responsible to the State Assembly for the entire field of Administration.2. For the more convenient transaction of the business of Government with regard to some specified matters the Telangana area will be treated as one region.
3. For the Telangana region there will be a Regional Standing Committee of the state assembly consisting of the members of the State Assembly belonging to that region including the Ministers from that region but not including the Chief Minister.
4. Legislation relating to specified matters will be referred to the Regional committee. In respect of specified matters proposals may also be made by the Regional Committee to the State Government for legislation or with regard to the question of general policy not involving any financial commitments other than expenditure of a routine and incidental character.
5. The advice tendered by the Regional Committee will normally be accepted by the Government and the State Legislature. In case of difference of opinion, reference will be made to the Governor whose decision will be binding.
6. The Regional Committee will deal with following matters:
- i) Development and economic planning within the framework of the general development plans formulated by the State Legislature.
- ii) Local Self Government, that is to say, the Constitutional powers of Municipal Corporations, Improvement Trusts, District Boards and district authorities for the purpose of Local Self Government or Village Administration.
- iii) Public health and sanitation, local hospitals and dispensaries.
- iv) Primary and secondary education.
- v)Regulation of admission to the educational institutions in the telangana region.
- vi)Prohibition
- vii) Sale of agricultural lands.
- viii) Cottage and small scale Industries, and
- ix) Agriculture, Cooperative Societies, Markets and Fairs.
B. Domicile Rules : A temporary provision be made to ensure that for a period of five years, Telangana is regarded as a unit as far as recruitment to subordinate services is concerned; posts borne on the cadre of these services may be reserved for being filled up by persons who satisfy the domicile conditions as prescribed under the existing Hyderabad Mulki Rules. ( 12 years of Stay in Telangana area)
C. The position of Urdu. The Government of India would advise the state Government to take appropriate steps to ensure that the existing position of Urdu in administrative and judicial structure of the State is maintained for a period of five years.
D. Retrenchment of surplus personnel in the new State. The Government of India do not anticipate any retrenchment. The intention is that so far as possible, the service personnel from the Hyderabad State should be automatically integrated into the services of the Andhra Pradesh without any process of screening. Should, however, any retrenchment be found necessary, the entire personnel of the services of the enlarged State will be treated on equal footing.
E. Distribution of expenditure between Telangana and Andhra Regions. Allocation of expenditure with the resources of the state is a matter which falls within the purview of the State Government and the State Legislature.. Since, however, it has been agreed to the representatives of Andhra and Telangana that the expenditure of the new state on central and general administration should be borne proportionately by the two regions and the balance of income should be reserved for expenditure on the development of Telangana area, it is open to the state government to act in accordance with the terms of agreement in making budgetary allocations. The Government of India propose to invite the attention of the Chief Minister of Andhra to this particular understanding and to express the hope that it will be implemented.
F. The existing educational facilities including Technical Education in Telangana should be secured to the students of Telangana and further improved---
G. The cabinet will consist of members in proportion of 60:40 percent for Andhra and Telangana respectively, out of 40% of Telangana ministers, one will be a Muslim from Telangana. If the Chief Minister is from one region the other region should be given Dy Chief Ministership.
Signatories
Andhra region | Telangana Region |
---|---|
B. Gopal Reddy Chief Minister, Andhra State |
B. Rama Krishna Rao Chief Minister, Hyderabad state |
N. Sanjeeva Reddy | K.V. Ranga Reddy |
G.Lachanna | M. Chenna Reddy |
Alluri Satyanarayana Raju | J.V. Narsing Rao |
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
The Member Secretary,
Justice Sree Krishna Committee for
Consultations on the situation in A.P.,
Room No. 248, Vigyan Bhawan Annexe,
Moulana Azad Road, New Delhi 110011
Dear Sir,
SUB: AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA—THE ONLY
SOLUTION IS “FORMATION OF SEPARATE STATE OF TELANGANA” –
SUBMITTED - REGARDING
REF: 1.Your Press Notification dated 15/02/2010
2. My previous letter to Committee dated 27/02/2010
In continuation to my earlier letter in the reference (2) cited above, I submit the following to
the Hon’ Justice Sree Krishna Committee for Consultations on the situation in Andhra Pradesh.
Sir, the Honorable Committee by this time might have received more than 20,000
representations. It is apparent that the people and parties from Andhra areas are
demanding for continuation of united Andhra Pradesh, whereas the people and parties
from Telangana are demanding for Statehood to Telangana.
BUT SIR, IS THERE ANY REPRESENTATION FROM NATIVE TELANGANA
PEOPLE TO KEEP THE STATE UNITED?
Obviously there won’t be any such representation. Because, Telangana people are undergoing
exploitation at the hands of Andhra people in many areas which have become chronic areas of
conflict between both the people. Andhra people have eternal benefit in continuation of A.P.
State and Telangana people have eternal loss in continuation of A.P. State. HENCE ARE
DEMANDING FOR THE DEMERGER OF TELANGANA FROM ANDHRA PRADESH.
I ALSO WOULD LIKE TO BRING TO YOUR KIND NOTICE THAT EVEN IN
ANDHRA, THERE ARE PEOPLE WHO ARE IN FAVOUR OF “SEPARATE ANDHRA
STATE” AND SUBMITTED MEMORANDA ACCORDINGLY.
WHY SOME ANDHRA PEOPLE ARE DEMANDING UNITED A.P. IS BECAUSE, THEY
HAVE BENEFIT IN IT. HAD TELANGANA PEOPLE ALSO HAVE BENEFITS IN UNITED
A.P. THEY ALSO WOULD HAVE ASKED FOR IT. BUT THE TRUTH IS OTHER WISE.
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
Telangana was forcibly merged with Andhra in 1956 against the wishes of people of
Telangana and SRC recommendations. NO STATE HAS BEEN FORMED IN INDIA BY
FORCIBLY MERGING TWO STATES EXCEPT “ANDHRA PRADESH”.
Following are some of the main areas of chronic conflict between Telangana and Andhra,
because of which Telangana people are getting agitated from 1956 to till date, the solution of
which lies only in the “FORMATION OF SEPARATE STATE OF TELANGANA” .
1. WATER or IRRIGATION
3. EMPLOYMENT
5. EDUCATION
7. SHARE OF POLITICAL POWER
1. WATER
This is the biggest grievance of the Telangana people.
OR IRRIGATION
Water is the lifeline for human life and we all know that all cities in the world are established
around rivers. Water powers economic growth through commercial crops and with canal
irrigation systems, there is no limit for human development. This is what exactly happened in
Andhra. With major irrigation projects, and a political leadership always biased in their favor,
Andhraites got better irrigation opportunities via canals and improved acreage of farming.
THE HIGHLIGHTS OF IRRIGATION IN TELANGANA ARE AS FOLLOWS:
55 years after merger with Andhra the additional irrigation facility provided to Telangana
is only 15 TMC
During the period from 1956-1998 there was 22% fall in cultivated land in Telangana. During
the same period there was a rise of 4.25% cultivated land in Coastal Andhra.
TOTAL LOSS OF WATER SHARE OF TELANGANA MERGING WITH ANDHRA IS 1125
TMC. 1 TMC SERVES 10000 ACRES, i.e. TOTAL CULTIVATION LAND LOST IN
TELANGANA IS 11, 25,000 ACRES.
In 1956 total cultivated land in Telangana under tanks was 10.68 lakhs hectares. It came down to
7.47 lakhs hectares in 1995.
GODAVARI FLOWS 600 KM. IN TELANGANA AND 150 KM. IN ANDHRA, BUT
TWO CROPS FOR THEM AND WITH DIFFICULTY ONLY ONE CROP FOR US
THAT TOO IN SMALL AREA.
10,000 farmers committed suicides in Telangana unable to pay back the debt.
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
IRRIGATION POTENTIAL CREATED IN ANDHRA THROUGH MAJOR PROJECTS IS 62.11
LAKH ACRES AND THROUH MEDIUM PROJECTS IS 7.82 LAKH ACRES. THAT IS
TOTAL OF ABOUT 70 LAKH ACRES. WHERE AS IN TELANGANA IT IS 24.62 LAKH
ACRES THROUGH MAJOR PROJECTS AND 3.83 LAKH ACRES THROUH MEDIUM
PROJECTS. THAT IS TOTAL OF ABOUT 28 LAKH ACRES.
Telangana is encircled by two major rivers of south India i.e., Krishna and Godavari. Within the
State of A. P., 69% of catchment area of river Krishna and 79% of catchment area of river
Godavari are in the Telangana region. In addition, most of the tributaries of these rivers traverse
its length and breadth. If waters of these rivers flowing through the region are properly utilized,
almost every acre of cultivable land available in Telangana could be provided with assured
irrigation facilities and every village could be provided with assured drinking water facilities.
But Telangana has been denied its rightful share in the river waters by the successive
governments during the last 54 years, irrespective of the parties and leaders in power. In
Telangana regions, only few areas cultivate one crop a year and very rarely two crops,
while most of the land doesn’t even cultivate single crop. Despite 69% Krishna and 79%
Godavari flows through Telangana, the lands in Telagana have been converted to deserts.
The lands in Telangana depend on bore wells and entire cost of operations such as digging,
power, bore well, motor, pipes etc which include to the total irrigation cost of Rs.1500/acre is on
the farmer whereas 13% of Krishna, 21% Godavari flows through Andhra and the total irrigation
cost there is just Rs.150/acre, because of canal waters supplied by Government.
RIVER KRISHNA
While determining the share of waters of river Krishna among the three riparian States i.e.,
Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, the Bachawat Tribunal allocated 811 TMC ft. of
water to Andhra Pradesh. The allocation of water among different regions of the State has,
however, been the prerogative of the State government. If catchment area is taken as the
criterion for allocation of waters between different regions of the State, as is normally done
between different States of the country, Telangana should get 69% of the 811 TMC ft. If
cultivable area, rainfall, subsoil levels of water, etc., also are taken into account Telangana
region would be entitled to not less than 70% of the total quantum of water allocated to State.
But the allocation made for the projects in the Telangana region was only around 32%. If
the actual utilization of water is taken into account it is only about 10 to 11%.
FOLLOWING IS A BRIEF TO SHOW HOW TELANGANA WATER RESOURCES
WERE EXPLOITED. ACTUALLY IT TAKES TENS OF PAGES TO EXPLAIN THE
FRAUD PLAYED BY ANDHRA ON TELANGANA TO ROB IT’S WATERS :
NAGARJUNA SAGAR: Built on: River Krishna, Location: Nalgonda district.
Telangana was supposed to get 70% of water share as per original agreement. Cheating and,
greed played a big role in moving the project site 19 km downstream ( from the original
site of Ileswaram proposed by Nizam) thereby making it impossible for Telangana to get its
share. Andhraites cheated us in the name of increased catchment area. Nagarjuna Sagar meant
to benefit Andhra and Telangana regions is modified in such a way that 75% of the benefit is
accruing to Coastal Andhra reducing the share of Telangana region to just 25%. Consequently,
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
an area of more than 15 lakh acres is getting irrigation facilities for the first crop and more than
half of it for the second crop in the coastal districts. But the Telangana area gets this facility
hardly for 5 lakh acres. Further, settlers migrated from the Andhra area own nearly half of these
lands. Due to the construction of the dam several hectares of Lime stone mines vanished as part
of the dam back waters. 21 villages of Nalgonda district got submerged.
SINGUR PROJECT: Singur Project was built on Manjeera River to irrigate the fields of
Medak but it was used to quench thirst of Hyderabad which is filled with settlers. As a result
one lakh acres of cultivable land is deprived of irrigation
SRISAILAM DAM: Built on: River Krishna, Location: Kurnool district of Rayalaseema
Srisailam Project which was originally a power project is now converted into a multipurpose
project. Yet the Telangana region does not get even a single drop of water from it. It has
only a right bank canal to facilitate irrigation in the Rayalaseema region. Further, its capacity has
been increased by 3 times when compared to what was originally contemplated. It has now three
sluices - one for the Srisailam Right Branch Canal, one for the Telugu Ganga Project and the
other styled as Escape Channel. This project has the potential to irrigate 6 to 7 lakh acres of land
in the Rayalaseema and Nellore district besides providing Drinking water to Chennai city.
But the left bank canal meant for the benefit of Telangana region has been abandoned. The
canal which is now styled as the SrisailamLeft Bank Canal (SLBC) and rechristened as Alimineti
Madhava Reddy Project is a misnomer. It is neither on the left bank of Srisailam Project nor does
it draw water from the Srisailam Reservoir. It is, in fact, a lift irrigation project on the Nagarjuna
Sagar dam. When completed it can irrigate hardly about 1.5 lakh acres. Further it is also
contemplated to draw water from this canal to meet the drinking water requirements of capital
city. If it happens the SLBC will become another Singur.
TUNGABHADRA: Built on River Tungabhadra Nizam started the project in 1948 and is
supposed to give 20TMC (Thousand Million Cubic Feet) of water to Mahaboob nagar, but the
canal which was to siphon water till Mahaboobnagar was stopped abruptly.
Rajolibanda Diversion Scheme, taken up before the formation of Andhra Pradesh by
the then government of Hyderabad was envisaged to provide irrigation facilities to
87500 acres in Mahabubnagar district of Telangana region. The Bachawat Tribunal also
allocated 15.90 TMC ft. of water for this project. BUT IN PRACTICE ONLY 3 TMC
WATER IS MADE AVAILABLE. This water has to pass through a canal in Raichur district
of Karnataka State. After the formation of Andhra Pradesh the leaders of Rayalaseema blasted
the gates of RDS and water is supplied to KC (Kurnool-Cadapa) canal while only remaining
water, if any, is supplied to the lands in Mahaboobnagar.
RIVER GODAVARI
The Ganges of the south flows in Telangana almost 600 miles, yet Sriram Sagar is a lone
project of this mighty river, even this project grounded 43 years ago, still in its first phase.
Of proposed irrigation was a 16 lakh acre but hardly 6 lacs got irrigated. Iccham palli a lift
irrigation project initially proposed by Nizam Govt years ago, but still pending to complete and
lost hope of completion. Other pending projects under River Godavari are - Yellampalli,
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
Devadula, Dummugudem, Lendi, Gutpa, Alisagar, Pranahita, Lower Penuganga and most other
projects of Godavari and its tributaries, which are mostly lift irrigation schemes without
assured power supply for which capacity is not at all created.
Of the three regions of the State, Telangana has the largest area, with 11,48,000 sq
km, followed by coastal Andhra with 9,28,000 sq km. The cultivable area is estimated at
64,02,358 hectares in Telangana and 46,33,304 hectares in the Coastal Andhra. But
13,12,795 hectares or 28.33 percent of the cultivable land in the Coastal Andhra is being
irrigated under canal irrigation system, whereas 2,66,964 hectares or 4.17 percent of the
cultivable land in Telangana is receiving canal waters of Godavari.
THE AMOUNT SPENT IN TELANGANA SO FAR IS RS. 4005 CRORES WHILE THAT
SPENT IN COASTAL ANDHRA IS RS. 19,693.50 CRORES, NEARLY FIVE TIMES
HIGHER. IN TERMS OF PERCENTAGE, WHILE TELANGANA GOT A MERE 15.5
PERCENT, COASTAL ANDHRA GOT 76 PERCENT.
The Bachawat Tribunal allocated 1480 TMC ft. of water to Andhra Pradesh, but half of this
water is yet to be utilized. The Coastal Andhra region has been the major beneficiary of the water
already utilized. The other two major projects proposed on river Godavari are Ichampally and
Polavaram. Ichampally is meant for Telangana and Polavaram for Coastal Andhra. The irrigation
potential of Polavaram Project would be 6 to 7times more than the irrigation potential of
Ichampally. Further, Ichampally is going to be primarily a power project because of the inter-
state issues involved. If that is going to happen, Ichampally would ultimately become a
balancing reservoir to ensure a perennial flow of water into Polavaram first and
Dawaleswaram next. Consequently Telangana would be permanently doomed.
The other projects Sri Ram Sagar Project Stage II, Sri Ram Sagar Flood Flow Canal and
barrages at Yellampalli and Dummagudem even if they are completed –which is a big if- all of
them put together will not have a capacity to utilize more than 50 TMC ft. of water.
Regional Disparities:
Because of the factors enumerated above the benefit of irrigation through the canal system under
major irrigation projects is accruing substantially, i.e. 74.25%, to the Coastal Andhra region.
While the share of Telangana is just 18.20%, the remaining 7.55% goes to the Rayalaseema
region. CONSEQUENTLY, THE FARMERS IN TELANGANA DEPEND MOSTLY ON WELL
IRRIGATION WHICH IS BECOMING PROHIBITIVELY EXPENSIVE DAY BY DAY, LEADING
MANY TIMES TO SUICIDES BY FARMERS.
Well Irrigation
In this situation the farmers of Telangana are left with only one alternative i.e., well irrigation.
But the well irrigation has many disadvantages as compared to canal irrigation. Canal irrigation
is ensured by the government by spending on construction of dams, digging of canals and
supplying water to the fields every season. The entire cost is borne by the government i.e.,
spending tax-payers money. In return the farmer pays about 200 to 250 rupees per acre per
annum as water charges. It is extremely negligible when compared to the huge amounts spent by
the government. This practice is necessary to support agriculture sector in any region or in any
State for that matter. Therefore, no one will grudge this.
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
But the same facility is not extended to a majority of farmers in Telangana who depend mostly
on well irrigation. The farmer will have to pay from his pocket for sinking well and for buying a
pump-set. In addition he has to pay power tariff which is increased every year. He has to also
incur huge expenses on getting the water pumps repaired as they are frequently damaged because
of erratic fluctuations in voltage. As a result, a farmer in the Telangana region depending on well
irrigation is compelled to spend 2 to 3 thousand rupees per acre per annum in addition to capital
investment on sinking well and installing pump-set.
THE REGIONAL DISPARITIES WILL CONTINUE FURTHER IN A UNIFIED A.P. THE
IRRIGATION PROBLEMS IN TELANGANA CAN BE ADDREESD ADEQUATELY ONLY IF
TELANGANA ATTAINS STATEHOOD.
DRINKING WATER:
Further there is pathetic supply of drinking water throughout Telangana, especially in Nalgonda
district. It is affected by excess of fluoride in the drinking water, as they do not have river
Krishna water for drinking even though River Krishna flow in this district about 100 km. Local
people have been demanding supply of water from River Krishna for 30 years. The estimated
cost according to experts is 12 billion rupees. In 600 villages, about 300,000 people are affected
by excess of fluoride in the underground water. 10,000 people are totally crippled. People with
paralyzing bone diseases, stooped backs, crooked hands and legs, deformed teeth, blindness and
other handicaps are common sight in the district.
2. DISCRIMINATION IN POWER PROJECTS
Though Telangana has river water sources to cultivate 50 lakh acres, sufficient projects have not
been taken up. Due to this majority of farmers in Telangana depend on bore wells for which
power supply is also adequately not provided. Though the demand for power in Telangana is
56%, capacity created is only 34%. Whereas in Andhra though the demand is 44%,
capacity created is 66%. Some examples of discrimination in power sector is as follows.
1.Manugur power project in Khammam district was shifted to Vijayawada in 1973.
2.Gas supply not sanctioned to 2100 MW power plant envisaged in Karimnagar, but gas was
sanctioned to 7000 MW power plant of Vijayawada MP, Lagadapati and other Andhra investors.
3.Though 600 MW power plant envisaged in Sattupally, has allotments for water, land and coal
still it is not sanctioned.
4.Where as Rayala seema power plant set up in 1980 in Kadapa district in Maddunur, even
though no source of water and coal, is being run by Telangana Singareni coal.
5.Ramagundam power plant was handed over to NTPC in 1977 in proposals stage itself.
Actually it should have been built and run by State government. As a result of joining NTPC our
State is getting only 900 MW of the total 2500 MW.
6.Last year in Khammam district water was not released to Kothgudem thermal power station
from Kinnerasani project. Instead water was released from Kinnerasani project to fields under
Dhawaleswaram project. But never was water released to 10000 acres land under Kinnerasani
project. In this way KTPS is underutilized.
3.EMPLOYMENT
There are about 15 lakh jobs in the government and government-funded offices and
establishments. Based on the size of population at least 40% of these jobs, i.e. 6 lakh,
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
should have gone to the job seekers from Telangana. But the total number of jobs now
occupied by them is less than 3 lakhs. THE REMAINING JOBS OF TELANGANA ARE
YUSURPED BY ANDHRA PEOPLE AND ANDHRAS ARE WORKING IN TELANGANA.
There are more than 5,000 employees in the State’s secretariat. Out of them not even 10%
belong to the Telangana region. There are more than 130 posts of heads of departments. Out of
them only 7 or 8 are held by the officers belonging to the Telangana region. There are 23 district
collectors. One rarely finds an officer from the Telangana cadres holding that position.
State Government of Andhra Pradesh issued G.O 36 in 1969 to suppress the separate Telangana
movement. It was aimed at repatriating about 25000 non-Mulki (non local) employees illegally
appointed in the Telangana region, to their respective places and appointing local candidates in
the resultant vacancies. After a prolonged litigation, the Supreme Court of India upheld the
constitutional validity of Mulki Rules and facilitated implementation of G.O. 36. It was
estimated that between 1973 and 1985 around 59000 non locals were recruited in the Telangana
region. As a result, the people of the region became once again restive and the government was
compelled to issue G.O. 610(issued on 30th December 1985) to rectify the situation. But, no one
remembered even the existence of this order, until the revival of demand for a separate state of
Telangana gathered momentum in 1996.
The G.O. 610 issued to remove all the non-locals appointed in the vacancies meant for the
youth of Telangana and to appoint only Telangana locals against all resultant vacancies. Besides
not implementing these orders further recruitment of non-locals in Telangana region is going on.
Thus Telangana people are being deprived of their share in jobs which are being usurped
by people from Andhra. THERE ARE INSTANCES OF EDUCATED YOUTH IN
TELANGANA COMMITING SUICIDES NOT ABLE TO GET JOBS. HENCE, THE
SOLUTION IS SEPARATE TELANGANA STATE.
4. SURPLUS BUDGET OF TELANGANA
Rs 60 crores of surplus budget was the pride of Telangana in 1948. When Andhra State was
formed in 1953, it had a meager Rs 1Crore in hand given by Madras Government. At the time
of merger, Hyderabad State (Telangana) was the highest revenue generating State compared to
Andhra and Rayalaseema combined. Still the same Hyderabad contributes about 37% to 40%
revenue and rest of Telangana contributes about 28% to 31% revenue whereas Andhra and
Rayalaseema combined contributes only 32% revenue. In spite of surplus revenue from
Telangana, we never got our fair share of Government funds after the merger with Andhra and
Rayalaseema.
Contribution of Telangana to the State’s revenues under some major heads continues to be far
higher than the contribution of other two regions. For instance, sales tax and excise collections
constitute about 43% of total revenue of the State. Nearly 75% of receipts under the head ‘sales
tax’, the single largest source of revenue, and more than 55% of excise collections are
contributed by Telanganato the State’s exchequer.
The other major head of revenue consists of State’s share in central taxes and grants-in-aid. In
determining this share, backward regions of the State facilitate higher allocation by the
successive Finance Commissions. Therefore, Telangana is entitled to a higher share in these
revenues as well. Even if population, and nothing else, is taken as the criterion Telangana’s share
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
would be more than 40%. It is evident that the overall contribution of Telangana to the state’s
revenue will in any case bemore than 50%. But, the expenditure incurred on this region has never
been more than 25% to 30%.
JUSTICE BHARGAVA COMMITTEE REPORTED IN OCTOBER 1969 THAT DURING
THE PERIOD FROM 1956-57 TO 1967-68 i.e.,43 YEARS BACK THE UNSPENT SURPLUS
REVENUE FROM TELANGANA WAS Rs.2834.31 LAKHS. THEN WHAT WOULD BE
THE UNSPENT SURPLUS REVENUE FROM TELANGANA NOW? AND WHERE THIS
SURPLUS REVENUE IS GOING ?
5. EDUCATION
At the time of formation of Andhra Pradesh it was assured that disparities in the levels of
development in different regions of the State, including the field of education, would be
removed in five to ten years time. But even after 5 DECADES the literacy rate in
Telangana continues to be lowest in the State.
This has happened because of uneven distribution of educational facilities in different regions of
the State. The important point to be kept in view in this regard is the percentage of population
spread over different regions of the State, i.e. Coastal Andhra 41.69%, Rayalaseema 17.77% and
Telangana 40.54%. This is necessary to assess the adequacy or otherwise of the facilities of
education created vis-à-vis the size of population and the levels of literacy achieved.
Primary Education
The data chosen for this analysis pertains to the year 2001. During this period there were
60,60,394 students in the state enrolled in the primary schools run by the government, local
bodies and private managements (aided andunaided). The region-wise breakup is: Coastal
Andhra 27,57,269 (45.50%), Rayalaseema13,02,673 (21.49%), Telangana 20,00,452 (33.01%).
It should be realized that unaided primary schools do not reflect endeavor of the government, and
if such institutions were not taken into account the position would be much worse in Telangana.
Collegiate Education
Regarding the facilities available for collegiate education (degree colleges) the position is more
or less the same. If the salary component paid to the teachers is taken as the basis for assessing
the spread of these facilities between different regions of the state, Telangana’s share in the total
expenditure incurred by the state government would be 37.85% in respect of government
colleges and 21.59% in respect of aided colleges.
Private colleges getting grant-in-aid from the government are playing a crucial and dominant role
in the realm of collegiate education in the State. The State government has been admitting year
after year several private colleges into grant-in-aid. The share of Telangana continues to be
lowest, i.e. less than 20% in the total quantum of grant-in-aid. All this is happening in spite of the
claim of the government that it is trying to remove disparities and do justice to Telangana.
Universities : It is very often argued that all the state-level and national-level universities located
in the capital city belong to the Telangana region. If it were to be so what benefit this region has
derived from their location in Hyderabad? At least what percent of staff recruited by these
universities belongs to Telangana? It is not even 10%. Further, some of the State-level and
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
National-level universities are located in the other regions of the state as well, but none in
Telangana districts.
The details of Universities in Andhra area (for 57 to 58% of AP population):
1.Vikram Simhapuri University, Nellore - 524 001
2. Yogi Vemana University, Cuddapah
3. Sri Sathya Sai University, Anantapur, Andhra Pradesh
4. Sri Venkateswara University. Tirupathi
5. Sri Venkateswara Vedic University, Tirupati, Andhra Pradesh
6. Sri Venkateswara Veterinary University (SVVU), Tirupati, Andhra Pradesh
7. Sri Padmavathi Mahila University, Tirupati, Chttoor
8. Sri Krishnadevaraya University, Anantapur - 515 003
9. Rayalaseema University, Kurnool - 518 002
10. Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University Ananthapur,Ananthapur - 515 002
11. Dravidian University,Kuppam,Chittoor - 517 425
12. Rashtriya Sanskrit Vidyapeeth, Tirupathi, Andhra Pradesh
13. Krishna University,Andhra Jatiya Kalasala,Machilipatnam,Krishna - 521 001
14. Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University East Godavari, Kakinada - 533 003
15. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar University,Etcherla,Srikakulam - 532 402
16. Andhra University,Visakhapatnam - 530 003
17. Andhra Pradesh University of Law, Visakhapatnam
18. Adi Kavi Nannaya University,25-8-4/2,Jaya Krishna Puram,Rajahmundry, - 533 105
19. Acharya Nagarjuna University,Nagarjunanagar,Guntur - 522 510
20. Vignan University, Guntur, Andhra Pradesh
21. Gitam University, Visakhapatnam
22. Dr. N.T.R. University of Health Sciences,Vijayawada,Krishna - 520 008
Universities in Telangana (catering to 42 to 43% of AP population) Out of 14 universities in
Telangana 8 are in Hyderabad and 6 are in remaining 9 districts of Telangana 8
universities in Hyderabad are filled by people from all regions.
1. University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad
2. Jawaharlal Nehru Architecture and Fine Arts University, Masab Tank, Hyderabad - 500 072
3. Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University Hyderabad, Kukatpally, Hyderabad - 500 07
4. Potti Sreeramulu Telugu University, Public Gardens, Hyderabad - 500 004
5. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Open University, Prof. G. Ram Reddy Marg,Road No. 46, Jubilee Hills,
Hyderabad - 500 033
6. Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh
7. English and Foreign Languages University (EFLU), Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh
8. NALSAR University of Law,Justice City, Shameerpet, Rangareddi - 500 078
9. Telangana University, Nizamabad
10. Satavahana University,Jyothinagar,Karimnagar - 505 001
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
11. Osmania University,Hyderabad - 500 007
12. Mahatma Gandhi University,Ramagiri,Nalgonda - 508 001
13. Kakatiya University,Vidyaranyapuri,Warangal - 506 009
14. Palamuru University, Mahaboobnagar
Here is a news reference to funding disparities in universities : Rs. 343 crore allocated to
two universities set up in Kadapa. Only Rs. 27 cr. allocated to five varsities in Telangana
region
Location of a university in a district place facilitates and contributes to the development of
thatarea. For instance, the University of Health Sciences has considerably improved the
medicalfacilities in and around Vijayawada city, besides providing employment opportunities to
the locals. Similarly the University of Dravidian Languages has changed the very face of
Kuppam village in the Rayalaseema region. No one grudges this. But the question is as to why
the Telangana districts are deprived of such facilities. When Technological University and Open
University were shifted to Hyderabad from Warangal and Nalgonda the reason given was to
locate the state-level universities in the capital city. But the same logic is not applied in respect
of University of Health Sciences, Women’s University and the University of Dravidian
Languages. They too are state-level universities.
Development of education affects, and in turn gets affected by, the pace of economic
development. There is a bi-directional linkage, and in this process the low rates of literacy
and economic backwardness sustained each other. This is precisely the problem of
Telangana.
6. INDUSTRIES
No major industry worth its name has been setup in any of the districts of Telangana region
as compared to the establishment of several industries in Visakapatnam, Vijayawada, Kakinada,
Nellore, Tirupati, and Cuddapah. Quite a few major industries established in the Telangana
region during the period of much maligned Nizam are being closed one after the other by
the successive governments.
Important among the closed industries are: Azamjahi Mills (Warangal), Sir Silk Factory
(Sirpur), Antargaon Spinning Mills (Adilabad), DBR Mills (Hyderabad), Allwyn Factory
(Hyderabad), Republic Forge (Hyderabad). Further, the famous Nizam’s Sugar Factory
(Nizamabad) is put on sale.
Twelve milk chilling plants established by the erstwhile Telangana Regional Committee in
different parts of Telangana have been abruptly closed down.
The fertilizer factory at Ramagundam is closed because of, among other factors, inadequacy of
power supply and poor quality of coal made available. This fertilizer plant is in the coal belt of
the region and large quantities of good quality coal available here are diverted to other regions
for feeding thermal plants there. A national super thermal power plant is situated in
Ramagundam itself and its operation is solely dependent on coal and water supplied by the
Telangana regions, ignoring other pressing requirements of the people of the region. These major
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
inputs available locally are, ironically, not accessible to a locally situated fertilizer plant.
Coinciding with the decision to close down the plant, a decision is taken to set up a new fertilizer
plant at Nellore in Coastal Andhra.
The industrial development that has taken place in and around the capital city has not
benefited the people of Telangana in any way. The land, water, power and other infrastructure
facilities made available to these industries belong entirely to Telangana, Yet the migrants from
other regions grab more than 95% of the jobs offered by these industries. The environmental
pollution caused by the industries in and around Hyderabad is going unchecked because the
sufferers are mostly Telanganites.
7. SHARE OF POLITICAL POWER
With 41.5% population and 43% land share, Telangana became minority in united Andhra
Pradesh. We were promised of sharing power with Deputy Chief Minister post which was never
implemented. The very first Chief Minister of united Andhra Pradesh abolished the deputy chief
minister post. There were 4 Chief Ministers from Telangana who lasted only for a total of 6.3
years out of 54 years of Andhra Pradesh. Many Andhraites became MLAs in Telangana region.
Many political and government institutions like Corporations got heads from Andhra area only.
There were no political leaders from telangana served as CM for complete five years, Telangana
CMs ruled only 6 years, remaining years ruled by either Andhra or Rayalaseema Leaders.
30 Sep 1971 - 10 Jan 1973 P.V. Narasimha Rao
6 Mar 1978 - 11 Oct 1980 Marri Channa Reddy (1st time)
11 Oct 1980 - 24 Feb 1982 Tanguturi Anjaiah
3 Dec 1989 - 17 Dec 1990 Marri Channa Reddy (2nd time)
During P.V .Narasimha rao's rule, he faced 'JAI ANDHRA' movement. During Chenna Reddy
second tenure, he stepped down because of Hyderabad's communal violence. Thus, there is
"denial of Fair-Share" in the 'high offices' of the legislature to the M.L.As and M.L.Cs from
Telangana who are 119 out of 294 in the Assembly and 40 MLCs out of 90 in the Council. In
this connection you may consider the following 'facts and instances' to realize how and in what
manner the Telangana legislators were 'denied' their "Fair-Share" in respect of 'high offices' like
Speaker of the Assembly and Chairman of the Council and other high offices
Holders of ‘high offices’ in the Legislature:
1 Speaker :Sri. N. Kiran Kumar Reddy from Chittoor, Seema Andhra
2 Deputy Speaker: Sri. N. Manohar from Guntur ,Seema Andhra
3 Chairman of Legislative Council: Dr. A. Chakrapani from Kurnool, Seema Andhra
4 Deputy Chairman of the Council: Sri. Mohd Jani from Guntur, SeemaAndhra
5Minister for Legislative Affairs: Sri. K. Roshaiah from Guntur ,SeemaAndhra
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
It is evident that all the '5 offices' are held by Hon'ble Members hailing from Andhra region and
NONE from Telangana which has 10 districts and 42% of the State population. And what is
more astonishing is that legislators of Rayalaseema with 17.6% population of the state are
holding the most coveted posts like Speaker of the Assembly and Chairman of the Council. This
is something unimaginable under any democratic government and in particular in the light of the
"terms and conditions of merger" of Telangana with Andhra State
It is indeed a very sensitive issue which involves ‘self-respect’ or 'Atma Gauravam' of
Telangana people. In other words ‘ignoring' the Telangana Legislators amounts to 'violating' the
'democratic rights' of the 4 crore people of Telangana. It is for these reasons that Telangana
people have come to the conclusion that Telangana has become a COLONY of Andhras
who DOMINATE in all branches of Government only to exploit the people of Telangana.
IN THE CIRCUMSTANCES THEY ARE OF THE 'FIRM OPINION' THAT THE ONLY
'REMEDY' FOR ALL THESE ILLS LIES IN "BIFURCATION OF ANDHRA
PRADESH".
8. HYDERABAD
AN IMPRESSION IS SOUGHT TO BE CREATED THAT THE DEVELOPMENT OF
HYDERABAD TOOK PLACE AFTER IT BECAME THE CAPITAL OF ANDHRA
PRADESH. It is a travesty of truth. The fact is that the plight of erstwhile Andhra State in
locating its capital could be mitigated only because of the formation of Andhra Pradesh and
giving to it, on a silver platter, an already well developed capital of erstwhile Hyderabad State.
The development that has taken place in and around the capital city, after the formation of
Andhra Pradesh, is natural and is comparable to the development that has taken place in other
major cities of the country. It is to be realized that at the time of formation of Andhra Pradesh,
Hyderabad was the fifth largest city in the country and even now it continues to be in the same
position. On the other hand, the growth of Visakhapatnam has been faster than the growth of
Hyderabad and Secunderabad cities.
The argument that Hyderabad is developed by the Andhraites or people who came and settled is
not true. When the great floods of 1900’s ravaged away the Hyderabad, Nizam ordered engineers to
design the city in a proper way and the result was Mokshagundam Vishveshwarayya, the legendary
civil engineer designed the city with good sanitary system with well lined drainages canals to
discharge the downpour etc. In 1956, Hyderabad was a place with an Airport, Railway lines to
connect it to main land built by Nizam.
The unabated vociferous chanting by people from Andhra for credit for Hyderabad’s
development is a hollow rhetoric. City of Hyderabad was judged as highly developed prior
to India"s independence. It ranked high among the beautiful cities in India in terms of
cleanliness, underground sanitation, gardens, wide roads, lakes, robust infrastructure and
sustainable economy. The precious Kohinoor diamond came from Hyderabad. The old buildings
are still the architectural marvels that reflect the fusion of Islamic, Italian and Hindu
architectures. Some examples of these are Charminar, Osmania University, Mecca Masjid,
Falaknuma palace, Assembly building, etc. Spawned around the city are beautiful lakes -
Hussain Sagar, Himayat Sagar and Osman Sagar.
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
The merger of the Andhra and Telangana also saw the slow death of the Telangana indurtries
viz: Ajamjhahi mills, Sirpur Sirsilk mills, Anthargam spinning mills, DBR mills, Alwyn metal
works, Praga Tools, Republic forge. The Nizam Sugar Factory is now on the verge of extinction.
This record does not add up to any development.
Huge monstrous ugly cement flyovers eclipsing the beauty of the city do not constitute
development either. Adding bricks, mortar and cement to the already overcrowded city leaving
debris all over is not a measure of development. Sathyam Computers sure is an Andhra
investment but one mired in fraud and deception. Could this be a barometer for development?
Whatever development that Hyderabad achieved through government investment is
neither the generosity of Andhras nor that of Telanganites.
Hi Tech city lies way out in the suburb of Hyderabad and it does not constitute part of
Hyderabad per say. It survives because of foreign investments such as Microsoft, Oracle, Dell,
Motorola, Deloitte, HSBC, GE, and out of State investors like Tata Consultancy, Infosys, Wipro,
etc. Should we call these as Andhra investors.
IT IS NO DENYING THAT EVER SINCE THE MERGER OF THE TWO, HYDERABAD
HAD BECOME A MECCA FOR SHADY REAL ESTATE DEALERS WITH EXPERTISE IN
LAND GRABBING AND ILLEGAL ACQUISITIONS OF GOVERNMENT LANDS IN
COLLUSION WITH THE MEN IN POWER.
THE EXPENSIVE MEDIA BLITZ UNLEASHED NOW BY ANDHRAS, WHIPPING THE
FEAR OF GETTING EVICTED IF TELANGANA WERE TO SEPARATE HAS NO TRUTH.
INSTEAD, IT HAS THE LURKING FEAR OF LOSING THE LUCRATIVE REAL ESTATE
SHENANIGANS IN AND AROUND HYDERABAD, AND THE CHILLING REALITY OF
BEING EXPOSED TO LEGAL INVESTIGATION INTO THEIR ILL GOTTEN MONEY BY
THE INCOMING TELANGANA GOVERNMENT.
Hyderabad is also characterized by a very significant presence of the urban poor, with a growing poverty
profile. Slum settlements have multiplied over decades and the living conditions of the poor have not
improved. Environmental decline, vehicular pollution, inadequate basic services and infrastructure in
the poor settlements hit the poor hardest. Slums are scattered across the city and surrounding
municipalities, with high population densities and the number of people inhabiting them estimated to be
around two million. People of Telangana had put their sweat in developing the city and all the fruits of
development have been hijacked by Andhra migrants and local politicians.
Does anyone wonder where the native people of these villages are now? They shifted to neighboring
villages and you can find majority of them running road-side chai shops and working as laborers in
Andhra establishments. When the original Hyderabadi isn’t able to enjoy the fruits of the so called
development by Andhraites, should we still regard their contribution as ‘development of
Hyderabad’? But in fact Hyderabad has been a real victim and destroyed in the last 40 years. Where
have the lakes gone, where has Urdu gone, who is responsible for communal politics in Hyderabad and
Telangana, who has taken Wakf lands, who destroyed Telangana culture and language, what is the
meaning of setting up of 40 SEZs around Hyderabad out of 50 SEZs in AP?
DR SHAIK KHALEEL RAHMAN, WARANGAL
AREAS OF CONFLICT BETWEEN TELANGANA AND ANDHRA
In India any citizen can go and settle anywhere in the country, but why Andhra leadership fears if
they have not committed any sins. The ‘Unified State’ protagonists do not have much to lose
if they accede to the demand of Telangana, because even under Telangana State,
Hyderabad will retain its diversity. The Seemandhra students fears that they will lose job
opportunities in Hyderabad if Telangana is created are unfounded. Most of the jobs in
Hyderabad are in private sector, especially in I.T. industry are open to all the Indians. Are
not students of AP working in IT sector in Mumbai, Bangalore, Chennai etc.
Damage through Universities
There has been a huge damage done through universities by shifting major universities of Telangana to
Hyderabad and showing the development at the cost of rural Telangana. Addition to the six universities
with regional jurisdiction, there are six more universities having their jurisdiction over the entire State.
None of these universities is located in the Telangana region. Of these six universities, the University of
Health Sciences is located in the Coastal Andhra region (Vijayawada) and the Women's University in the
Rayalaseema region (Tirupati), while all the other four universities, i.e., Agricultural University,
Technological University, Open University and Telugu University are in the capital city. Further, the
Agricultural and Technological Universities have their campuses and colleges in the Coastal Andhra and
Rayalaseema regions as well, but no such facility exists in the Telangana region. It may be recalled that
the Technological University was actually started at Warangal in the Telangana region, but was
subsequently shifted to Hyderabad for inexplicable reasons. Similarly, the Open University was initially
launched at Nalgonda in the Telangana Region, but was later started in the capital city, again for no valid
reasons.
SIR, AS MENTIONED ABOVE TELANGANA IS SUFFERING AT THE HANDS OF
ANDHRA EVER SINCE 1956, WHICH SHOULD BE STOPPED ONE DAY. THIS
SHOULD BE DONE BY YOUR HON’ BLE COMMITTEE BY RECOMMENDING
STATEHOOD TO TELANGANA, A HITORIC DECISION AND MOMENT THE
ENTIRE WORLD IS WAITING FOR.
Background of the Telangana movement
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Part of a series on |
Telangana movement |
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Telangana region marked in white within the state of Andhra Pradesh |
General |
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Contents |
Monarchy to Democracy
When India became independent from the British Empire in 1947, the Nizam of Hyderabad, a Muslim king, wanted Hyderabad State to remain independent under the special provisions given to princely states. The Hindus of the Hyderabad State who accounted for 93 per cent of its population, launched the `Join India' movement with the cooperation of a few patriotic Muslims for the integration of the State with the rest of the country. The State Congress leaders and Arya Samaj leaders invoked themselves whole-heartedly in the movement. The peasants of the state, influenced by Communist party, had also revolted against the Nizam, who tried to suppress their armed struggle against landlords. Qasim Razvi led private Razakar Muslim army fighting for continuation of the Nizam's rule, did worst forms of atrocities on people.[1][2][3] The Government of India liberated and assimilated the Hyderabad State on 17 September 1948, in an operation by the Indian Army called Operation Polo.A Communist-led peasant revolt started in Telangana in 1946, which lasted until 1951. Hyderabad state included 9 Telugu speaking districts of Telangana, 4 Kannada districts in Gulbarga division & 4 Marathi speaking districts in Aurangabad division. Rangareddy district was carved out of Hyderabad district of Telangana in 1978. Now Telangana has 10 districts. The Central Government appointed a civil servant, M. K. Vellodi, as First Chief Minister of Hyderabad state on 26 January 1950. He administered the state with the help of bureaucrats from Madras state and Bombay state. In 1952, Dr. Burgula Ramakrishna Rao was elected Chief minister of Hyderabad State in the first democratic election. During this time there were violent agitations by some Telanganites to send back bureaucrats from Madras state, and to strictly implement 'Mulki-rules'(Local jobs for locals only), which was part of Hyderabad state law since 1919.[4]
In 1952, Telugu-speaking people were distributed in about 22 districts, 9 of them in the former Nizam's dominions of the princely state of Hyderabad, 12 in the Madras Presidency (Andhra region), and one in French-controlled Yanam. Meanwhile, Telugu-speaking areas in the Andhra region were carved out of the erstwhile Madras state by leaders like Potti Sri Ramulu to create Andhra State in 1953, with Kurnool as its capital.[5][6][7]
1952 Mulki agitation and Merger of Telangana and Andhra
In 1952, there was a students agitation against non Mulkis (mulki meaning locals). The agitation arose after many jobs were taken by people from coastal Andhra. The popular slogans were Non-Mulki go back and Idli Sambar go back. During the protests seven students were killed in police firing.[4] In December 1953, the States Reorganization Commission was appointed to prepare for the creation of states on linguistic lines.[8] The commission, due to public demand, recommended disintegration of Hyderabad state and to merge Marathi speaking region with Bombay state and Kannada speaking region with Mysore state.The States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) was not in favour of an immediate merger of Telugu speaking Telangana region with Andhra state, despite their common language. Paragraph 382 of the States Reorganisation Commission Report (SRC) said "opinion in Andhra is overwhelmingly in favour of the larger unit; public opinion in Telangana has still to crystallize itself. Important leaders of public opinion in Andhra themselves seem to appreciate that the unification of Telangana with Andhra, though desirable, should be based on a voluntary and willing association of the people and that it is primarily for the people of Telangana to take a decision about their future". The people of Telangana had several concerns. The region had a less-developed economy than Andhra, but with a larger revenue base (mostly because it taxed rather than prohibited alcoholic beverages), which people of Telangana feared might be diverted for use in Andhra. They feared that planned irrigation projects on the Krishna and Godavari rivers would not benefit Telangana proportionately, even though people of Telangana controlled the headwaters of the rivers. It was feared that the people of Andhra, who had access to higher standards of education under the British rule, would have an unfair advantage in seeking government and educational jobs.
The commission proposed that the Telangana region be constituted as a separate state with a provision for unification with Andhra state, after the 1961 general elections, if a resolution could be passed in the Telangana state assembly with a two-thirds majority. The Chief Minister of Hyderabad State, Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, expressed his view that a majority of Telangana people were against the merger.[9] He supported the Congress party's central leadership decision to merge Telangana and Andhra despite opposition in Telangana.[10] Andhra state assembly passed a resolution on 25 November 1955 to provide safeguards to Telangana. The resolution said, "Assembly would further like to assure the people in Telangana that the development of that area would be deemed to be special charge, and that certain priorities and special protection will be given for the improvement of that area, such as reservation in services and educational institutions on the basis of population and irrigational development."[11] Telangana leaders did not believe the safeguards would work.[12][13] With lobbying from Andhra Congress leaders and with pressure from the Central leadership of Congress party, an agreement was reached between Telangana leaders and Andhra leaders on 20 February 1956 to merge Telangana and Andhra with promises to safeguard Telangana's interests.[14][15]
Prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru initially was skeptical of merging Telangana with Andhra State, fearing a "tint of expansionist imperialism" in it.[16][17] He compared the merger to a matrimonial alliance having "provisions for divorce" if the partners in the alliance cannot get on well.[18][19][20] Following the Gentlemen's agreement, the central government established a unified Andhra Pradesh on November 1, 1956.[5][21][22] The agreement provided reassurances to Telangana in terms of power-sharing as well as administrative domicile rules and distribution of expenses of various regions. Anti-Nehru politics emerged with the repression of the Telengana movement; many within the Congress Party extended their hands to leftist causes. Feroze Gandhi was among them.[23]
Grievances of Telangana proponents
Telangana is the largest of the three regions of Andhra Pradesh state, covering 41.47% of its total area. It is inhabited by 40.54% of the state's population and contributes about 76% of the state's revenues, excluding the contribution of the central government. When the central government's contribution to revenue is included, Andhra Pradesh's revenue sources come from Telangana: 61.47% (including 37.17% from Hyderabad); from the central government: 19.86%; from Andhra: 14.71%; and from Rayalaseema: 3.90%.[24] Proponents of a separate Telangana state cite perceived injustices in the distribution of water, budget allocations, and jobs. Within the state of Andhra Pradesh, 68.5% of the catchment area of the Krishna River and 69% of the catchment area of the Godavari River are in the plateau region of Telangana and flowing through the other parts of the state into bay of Bengal.[25] Telangana and non coastal parts of Karnataka and Maharastra states form Deccan Plateau. Telangana supporters state that the benefits of irrigation through the canal system under major irrigation projects is accruing substantially, 74.25%, to the Coastal Andhra region, while the share to Telangana is 18.20%. The remaining 7.55% goes to the Rayalaseema region. [26]The share of education funding for Telangana ranges from 9.86% in government-aided primary schools to 37.85% in government degree colleges. The above numbers include the expenditure in Hyderabad. Budget allocations to Telangana are generally less than 1/3 of the total Andhra Pradesh budget. There are allegations that in most years, funds allocated to Telangana were never spent. According to Professor Jayashankar only 20% of the total Government employees, less than 10% of employees in the secretariat, and less than 5% of department heads in the Andhra Pradesh government are from Telangana; those from other regions make up the bulk of employment.[26][27][28] He also alleged that the state was represented by Telangana chief ministers for only 6 1/2 years out of over five decades of its existence, with no chief minister from the region being in power continuously for more than 2 1/2 years.[26] As per Srikrishna committee on Telangana, Telangana held the position of CM for 10.5 years while Seema-Andhra region held it for 42 years.[29] Proponents of a separate Telangana state feel that the agreements, plans, and assurances from the legislature and Lok Sabha over the last fifty years have not been honoured, and as a consequence Telangana has remained neglected, exploited, and backward. They allege that the experiment to remain as one state has proven to be a futile exercise and that separation is the best solution.[30][31][32]
In December 1953, the States Reorganization Commission was appointed to prepare for the creation of states on linguistic lines.[1] The commission, due to public demand, recommended disintegration of Hyderabad state and to merge Marathi speaking region with Bombay state and Kannada speaking region with Mysore state. The States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) was not in favour of an immediate merger of Telugu speaking Telangana region of Hyderabad state with Andhra state, despite their common language. Para 378 of the SRC report said "One of the principal causes of opposition of Vishalandhra also seems to be the apprehension felt by the educationally backward people of Telangana that they may be swamped and exploited by the more advanced people of the coastal areas."
Andhra state and Telangana was merged to form Andhra Pradesh state on 1 November 1956 after providing safeguards to Telangana in the form of Gentlemen's agreement.
Grievances of Telangana proponents
Proponents of a separate Telangana state feel that the agreements, plans, and assurances from the legislature and Lok Sabha over the last fifty years have not been honoured, and as a consequence Telangana has remained neglected, exploited, and backward. They allege that the experiment of Andhra Pradesh to remain as one state has proven to be a futile exercise and that separation is the best solution.[2][3][4]
Stand of political parties about division of AP
In Favor | Against | Neutral |
---|---|---|
Telangana Rashtra Samithi (2/17) | All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeene(1/7) | Indian National Congressa(31/155) |
Bharatiya Janata Party (0/3) | Communist Party of India (Marxist) (0/1) | YSR Congressb (2/17) |
Communist Party of India (0/4) | Independents (0/2) | |
Lok Sattaac (0/1) [5] | ||
Telugu Desam Partyad (6/86) | ||
Independent (0/1) |
(a) Parties which were in favour of Telangana state before 9 December 2009, but changed the stand to neutral on 10 December 2009, the day the process for formation of Telangana state was announced by central government and later retracted on 23 December.
(b) After 9 December 2009, Jagan Mohan Reddy as a Congress MP opposed the Telangana state formation. After he formed the YSR Congress party, it adopted a neutral stand.[8]
(c) Changed their stand in 2012.
(d) TDP representatives gave a letter signed by its president to Home minister of India during the all party meeting on December 28, 2012. Letter said that the party had never withdrawn its letter to Pranab Mukharjee in 2008 which supported Telangana state formation.
(e) MIM is for United state. If division is unavoidable they want Rayala-Telangana with Hyderabad as capital. They oppose Hyderabad being union territory.
Pre-2004 Telangana protests
Main article: Pre-2004 Telangana protests
12 years after the formation of Andhra Pradesh, people of Telangana
expressed dissatisfaction over how the agreements and guarantees were
implemented.[9]
On 19 January 1969, an all party accord was reached to ensure the
proper implementation of Telangana safeguards. Telangana leaders were
not satisfied with the accord. The movement became violent and in some
instances police had to resort to firing to control the mobs.[10]
The army had to be called in. After several days of talks with leaders
of both regions, on 12 April 1969, Prime minister came up with an eight
point plan.[11] Telangana leaders rejected the plan and protests continued under the leadership of newly formed political party Telangana Praja Samithi in 1969 asking for the formation of Telangana. Under the Mulki rules in force at the time, anyone who had lived in Hyderabad
for 15 years was considered a local, and was thus eligible for certain
government posts. When the Supreme Court upheld the Mulki rules at the
end of 1972, the Jai Andhra movement, with the aim of re-forming a
separate state of Andhra, was started in Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions.On 21 September 1973, a political settlement was reached with the Government of India with a Six-Point Formula. It was agreed upon by the leaders of the two regions to prevent any recurrence of such agitations in the future. To avoid legal problems, constitution was amended (32nd amendment) to give the legal sanctity to the Six-point formula.[12]
In 1985, when Telangana employees complained about the violations to six point formula, government enacted government order 610 (GO 610) to correct the violations in recruitment. As Telangana people complained about non implementation of GO 610, in 2001, government constituted Girglani commission to look into violations.[13]
In 1997, the state unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) passed a resolution seeking a separate Telangana.[14] A new party called Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS), led by Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao (KCR), was formed in 2001 with the single-point agenda of creating a separate Telangana state with Hyderabad as its capital.[15]
In 2001, the Congress Working Committee sent a resolution to the NDA government for constituting a second SRC to look into the Telangana state demand. This was rejected by then union home minister L.K. Advani citing that smaller states were neither viable nor conducive to the integrity of the country.[16]
In April 2002, Advani wrote a letter to MP A. Narendra rejecting a proposal to create Telangana state explaining that “regional disparities in economic development could be tackled through planning and efficient use of available resources”. He said that the NDA government, therefore, does “not propose creation of a separate state of Telangana”[17] However in 2012, Advani said that if their then partner TDP cooperated during NDA tenure, a separate state of Telangana could have been created.[18]
2004 to 2010
Main article: 2004-2010 Telangana protests
In the run-up to the 2004 Assembly & Parliament elections, then Union Home Minister L. K. Advani
ruled out inclusion of Telangana in the NDA agenda and said "Unless
there is consensus among all political parties in the state and unless
that consensus is reflected in a resolution of the state Assembly, we
don’t propose to include it in the NDA agenda"[19]For these elections, the Congress party and the TRS forged an electoral alliance in the Telangana region to consider the demand of separate Telangana State. Congress came to power in the state and formed a coalition government at the centre; TRS joined the coalition after the common minimum programme of the coalition government included that the demand for separate Telangana state will be considered after due consultations and consensus.[20]
In February 2009 the state government declared that it had no objection, in principle, to the formation of separate Telangana and that the time had come to move forward decisively on this issue. To resolve related issues, the government constituted a joint house committee.[21] In the lead-up to the 2009 General Elections in India, all the major parties in Andhra Pradesh supported the formation of Telangana.[22]
In the 2009 elections TRS managed to win only 10 assembly seats out of the 45 it contested and only 2 MP seats. Some media analysts thought Telangana sentiment faded.[23]
Within few months of getting re-elected as popular CM, Y. S. Rajasekhara Reddy (YSR) died in a helicopter crash in September 2009. This resulted in a leadership crisis within the Congress party and also created a political vacuum in the state.[24] During this time, TRS president K. Chandrashekar Rao (KCR) raised his pitch for the separate state. On 29 November 2009, he started a fast-unto-death, demanding that the Congress party introduce a Telangana bill in Parliament.[25] Student organisations, employee unions, and various organisations joined the movement.[26] General strikes shut down Telangana on 6 and 7 December.[27] In an all party meeting called by the state government on the night of 7 December to discuss regarding KCR's fast and how to handle it,[28] all major Opposition parties extended their support for a separate state for Telangana. The state Congress and its ally Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen have left it to the Congress high command to take a final decision. Minutes of the meeting were faxed to Congress high command.[29]
Telangana State formation process announcement & subsequent rollback
On 9 December 2009, Union Minister of Home Affairs P. Chidambaram announced that the Indian government would start the process of forming a separate Telangana state, pending the introduction and passage of a separation resolution in the Andhra Pradesh assembly. This resulted in protests across both Andhra and Rayalseema and MLAs from these regions submitted their resignations in protest.[30] On 23 December, the Government of India announced that no action on Telangana will be taken until a consensus is reached by all parties.[31] Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema region MLAs started withdrawing their resignations while MLAs and ministers from Telangana started submitting their resignations, and demanded that the Centre take immediate steps to initiate the process of bifurcating Andhra Pradesh.[32]BJP leader and leader of opposition in Lok Sabha, Sushma Swaraj in 2010 said that they would have formed the Telangana State along with Jharkhand, Chattisgarh and Uttarakhand in year 2000 but the Telugu Desam, which extended outside support to it, opposed the plan.[33]
On 3 February, the government announced the five-member committee headed by Justice SriKrishna that would look into the issue.[34]
2010: Srikrishna Committee report
On 16 December 2010, two weeks before the deadline for the submission of the Srikrishna report, TRS organized a public meeting in Warangal. It was estimated that 1.2 to 1.5 million people[35] attended this meeting. It was reported that even more would have attended, but they were stranded on the roads due to traffic jams reaching between 20 kilometres (12 mi) to 35 kilometres (22 mi) along roads leading to the city.[36][37][38] Telangana Rashtra Samithi president K. Chandrasekhar Rao appealed to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to note that the people of Telangana were losing patience. He demanded that the Centre introduce the Bill on Telangana in the next session of Parliament.[39][40][41][42]Days before the Srikrishna committee submitted its report to the Central government, KCR declared that his party was ready to wash Sonia Gandhi's feet if she gives Telangana. He said his party is associated with the movement and was willing to dissolve the party if the state was formed.[43]
In an all-party meeting on 6 January 2011, which was boycotted by the TRS, BJP and TDP, the Home ministry released the 505-page Srikrishna committee . The report discusses six solutions to the problem. The preferred option is keeping the State united by simultaneously providing certain definite constitutional and statutory measures for socio-economic development and political empowerment of Telangana region through the creation of a statutorily-empowered Telangana Regional Council. The second best option is bifurcation of the State into Telangana and Seemandhra as per existing boundaries, with Hyderabad as the capital of Telangana and Seemandhra to have a new capital.[44][45]
On 23 March 2011, Justice L Narasimha Reddy of Andhra Pradesh high court ordered central government to make contents of 8th chapter of Sri Krishna Committee, which was submitted in a sealed secret cover to the centre.[46] Justice in his 60 page judgement said "The Committee travelled beyond the terms of reference in its endeavour to persuade the Union of India not to accede to the demand for Telangana". The judgement also quoted the SKC report's 8th chapter and said "The manoeuvre suggested by the Committee in its secret supplementary note poses an open challenge, if not threat, to the very system of democracy."
On 26 April, a division bench comprising the Chief Justice of the AP high court has stayed the order of Justice L Narasimha Reddy who had directed the Centre to make public the secret Chapter.[47][48]
2011: Non-cooperation movement and Million March
Main article: Early 2011 Telangana protests
On 17 February 2011 noncooperation movement was started which lasted
for 16 days with participation by 300,000 government employees. It
caused a loss of Rs 8 billion per day in revenue to government.[49][50]
In February and March, Assembly session was boycotted for weeks and
Parliament session was disrupted for several days by Telangana
representatives.[51][52] [53]Million March was organised by Telangana JAC in Hyderabad on 10 March 2010. In a move to disrupt the march, police arrested over thousand activists throughout the region and closed down entry to Hyderabad city by stopping certain transportation services and diverting traffic.[54][55][56] Around 50,000 people reached the venue of the march, Tank Bund by hoodwinking police.[57] Telangana activists damaged 16 statues of personalties representing Telugu culture language and threw some of the remnants into the lake.[58]
In November 2011, Telangana Rashtra Samiti Vidyarthi Vibhagam ( TRSV) state president Balki Suman was arrested by Hyderabad police after cases were registered against him in connection with damaging statues on Tank Bund during the 'Million March,' attacking police personnel, damaging police and media vehicles.[59]
2011: Mass resignations
Main article: Mid 2011 Telangana protests
From April till June, the movement saw a lull,[60]
with different parties citing various reasons and fresh deadlines to
renew the agitation. In July, 81 of 119 Telangana MLAs in the state, 12
out of 15 Telangana ministers in state, 13 out of 17 Telangana MPs in
Lok Sabha, 1 Rajyasabha MP (Congress), 20 MLCs resigned protesting delay
in the formation of Telangana. On July 20, 30-year-old Yadi Reddy was
found dead 100 yards from Parliament House in Delhi. An eight-page
suicide note says the young driver from greater Hyderabad region of
Telangana was upset over the government not creating a new state for his
homeland. The speaker of the AP assembly on July 23 summarily rejected
the resignations of all 101 MLAs citing that they were made in an
emotionally surcharged atmosphere. All Telangana MPs who earlier
submitted their resignations and were boycotting the parliament session
also decided to attend the parliament monsoon session citing Sonia
Gandhi's ill health.[61]2011: Sakala Janula Samme
Main article: Late 2011 Telangana protests
On 12 September 2011, a day before Sakala Janula Samme(All people's
strike), TRS organised a public meeting in Karimnagar which was attended
by over a million people including TJAC leaders, BJP and New Democracy party leaders.[62]Starting 13 September, as part of 'strike by all section of people' supporting Telangana statehood, government employees throughout Telangana stayed out of work, lawyers boycotted courts[63] and 60,000 coal miners of Singareni Collieries(SCCL Ltd.) also joined the strike.[64][65] Soon government teachers, state road transport corporation employees and state electricity board employees joined the strike.[66][67]What are we demanding? We are asking you to respect the word you have given in the Parliament before the 120 crore people of this country. We are not asking any thing else.— K. Chandrashekar Rao on 12 September 2011[62]
On a call given by JAC, road blockades on national highways throughout Telangana, rail blockade and the strike of auto rikshaw union were organized on 24 and 25 September causing disruption in transport services.[68][69] Virtually all sections of people joined this strike.[70] On 30 September, as the strike entered the 18th day, even while Congress central leadership met several Telangana congress leaders, JAC called a bundh in Hyderabad city.[71] On 2 October, JAC leaders, employee unions leaders and TRS leaders including KCR met Prime minister to explain the situation in Telangna due to the strike and asked to expedite the decision on the statehood demand.[72] The strike has resulted in an unprecedented power crisis in the state with only 223 MU of power generated against the demand of 275MU impacting both the industry and agriculture.[73]
Due to Rail blockade call on 15 October 110 trains were cancelled and 68 trains were diverted by authorities. The railways operated 12 trains and Hyderabad metro trails with full police protection. Telangana protestors tried to have sit in on rail platforms or on railway tracks at various places. Police arrested thousands of protesters including 8 MPs and 4 MLAs.[74][75] On October 16 public transport employees called off the strike. Within days other unions too called off the strike one after another. After 42 days, on 24 October, remaining employees unions called off the strike. M. Kodandaram said that the strike had impacted the overall thinking of the Centre towards creation of separate State and the movement will continue with other protest activities.[76]
After the strike
On 29 October 2011, three Telangana Congress party MLAs resigned and joined TRS party in protest as they were diappointed with Congress leadership's delay in Telangana state formation.[77]On 1 November, Congress MLA Komatireddy Venkat Reddy started an indefinite hunger strike until the Centre announced a roadmap for Telangana state.[78] On 6 November, the fast was broken when Police arrested him under Section 309 of IPC (attempt to commit suicide) and shifted him to NIMS, Hyderabad where he is under intravenous fluids. He ended his fast on 9 November.[79] 97-year old Freedom fighter Konda Laxman Bapuji also launched his week-long satyagraha at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi, demanding statehood to the region.[80]
Telangana is a complicated matter and we are trying to evolve a consensus, where all shades of public opinion would agree that what is being done is in the interest of each and everyone. We cannot solve the problem of Telangana by agreeing to Telangana State while there is disquiet and unrest in other regions of Andhra Pradesh. From the frying pan to the fire is not an appropriate solution to the National problem— Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on 12 November 2011[81]
2012
Main article: 2012 Telangana protests
On January 19, 2012, BJP led by State party president Kishan Reddy
started the 22 day Telangana 'Poru Yatra', a journey of 3500 km in
Telangana, to touch 986 villages and 88 assembly constituencies
stressing the need for Telangana stance.[82]
Though the tour was successful in reiterating the party's pro-Telangana
stance, it could not garner as much support as hoped because of the
indifferent attitude of the TRS & TJAC. In fact the failure of the
TRS in declaring its support to Kishan Reddy’s yatra has resulted in
growing differences between the two parties.[83]Bye elections took place on March 18 in 6 Telangana assembly seats. 5 seats fell vacant due to quitting of 5 MLAs from Congress & TDP citing the unwillingness of their respective party leadership to take a stand on Telangana issue. The Mahbubnagar seat fell vacant due to the death of a sitting independent MLA. TRS won 4 out of 5 seats it contested with huge majorities ranging from 15,024 to 44,465. In 2 out of the 4 seats won by TRS (Kamareddy & Adilabad), the TRS candidates polled less number of votes compared to 2009 assembly elections when they contested as candidates from TDP which was in alliance with TRS.[84][85] Ex-TDP MLA Nagam Janardhan Reddy won from Nagarkurnool seat as an independent with TJAC support. Congress lost deposit in one constituency and TDP in 3 constituencies.[86][87]
Bye-polls were conducted for 18 Assembly seats and 1 Parliament seat on June 12. These were necessitated after 17 MLAs (including Parkal MLA from Telangana region) & 1 MP were disqualified after they supported the YSR Congress party (YSRCP). Another seat fell vacant due to the resignation of Chiranjeevi after he became a Rajya Sabha member. Overall, the YSRCP won 15 assembly seats and the lone Parliament seat in Seema-Andhra region. TRS's candidate managed to win the Parkal seat with a slender majority of 1562 votes over YSRCP candidate Konda Surekha. TDP finished third after polling 30,000 votes and retained its deposit. Both BJP & Congress lost their deposits. TRS leaders who were unhappy with the slender majority blamed it on the split of pro-Telangana votes and also due to electroral signs (Auto and hat) of some independents which they claimed looked similar to their electoral symbol - Car.[88] They also said that all the votes polled in Parkal were cast in favour of the Telangana sentiment as all the parties promised to work for Telangana and reiterated that the Congress has to realize that it is losing its base in the entire state[89]
In September 2012, Sushilkumar Shinde,the newly appointed Home minister of India commented that the Telangana demand needs to be handled carefully since similarly carved smaller states saw increased Naxal problems.[90] Addressing a public meeting in Nizamabad district, AIMIM president Asaduddin Owaisi said that formation of a separate Telangana state is not possible and reaffirmed his party's stand on the issue. He also said that Muslims would not accept a separate state.[91]
On August 14, 2012, KCR gave a deadline to the centre to declare statehood in 2 weeks and promised to launch another round of agitation if the centre doesn't.[92] He later declared that he got feelers that a positive announcement will be made by Eid.[93] In another interview after Eid, he remarked that Sonia Gandhi has always been in favour of Telangana and that the central government will call his party for discussions in "few weeks or so"[94] On September 6, KCR left for Delhi and announced that the issue will be resolved by end of September.[95] After his 23 day stay in Delhi, KCR returned to Hyderabad hoping for a final round of talks with the Congress leadership on the issue. He claimed that his discussions with several leaders was fruitful.[96]
2012 Telangana March
After setting September 30 as the deadline for the Centre to announce the formation of Telangana, the TJAC threatened to organize a 'Telangana March' in Hyderabad on the lines of the 'Dandi March' .[97][98] Anticipating violence and possibility of attack on properties of Andhraites,[99] Police initially refused permission to the march which is scheduled around the time of Ganesh Nimmajjan on September 29 and UN conference on Bio diversity[100] on October 1.[101] The Police begun checking buses and trains entering the city and students who are trying to enter the city to participate in the protest are being sent back.[102] They identified troublemakers[99] and arrested certain pro-Telangana activists thoughout the Telangana region. Police said that there are intelligence reports that the protestors could attack properties of people of Seemandhra.[103] Congress MP Madhu Yaskhi Goud warned that people supporting United Andhra should not live in the Telangana region[104] and wanted protestors to attack the properties of Seemandhra MPs during the march.[105] He was later gheraoed by pro-Telangana activists in his own Lok Sabha constituency of Nizamabad who described him as "Telangana Betrayer" and demanded his resignation to show his commitment on the issue.[106]All pro-Telangana parties pledged their support to the march.[107] Certain eminent citizens of Telangana wrote a letter to the President of India asking for permission for march and expressed their concern that forceful preventive detentions of leaders will lead to more counter violence from the protestors.[108]
On September 28, after long discussions between JAC leaders and ministers from Telangana region, the state government ignoring warnings about possible breakdown of law & order, gave permission to the March.The JAC leaders gave written assurance to the government that the agitation programme will be conducted in a peaceful and "gandhian" manner from 3pm to 7pm on September 30 on the Necklace road on the edge of Hussain Sager lake.[109][110] Indian Railways cancelled several express & passenger trains and all local and sub-urban train services in Hyderabad reportedly on the advise of Police.[111] Amidst allegations from JAC leaders of having arrested a lot of Telangana supporters and preventing their movement towards Necklace road, Police claimed that they did not make any fresh arrests and that all those arrested prior to the permission were released.[112] They allowed entry to the venue through 3 designated routes while pro-Telangana groups demanded access through all routes. The Police also said that there was no permission for any other rallies in the city.[113]
Day of the March
On September 30, the day of the march, Police closed the gates and blocked students at the Osmania University gate and other protestors at several places in the city when they were proceeding in rallies towards the March venue. When they were stopped from breaking through barricades and trying to proceed through prohibited areas such as Raj Bhavan,[114] the protestors threw stones at the Police.[115] Police responded with lathicharge, water cannons and tear gas shells. Congress MPs from Telangana were arrested in front of Chief minister's office when they staged a dharna as they were not allowed to meet him over the detention of their party supporters who were stopped from reaching the venue.[116]Though Police sealed all the entry points to the Necklace Road and opened only the Buddha Bhavan route, by 4pm around 2 lakh protestors including various party leaders and their supporters reached the venue from all routes. Coming under attack from both sides, the police ceded the entire Necklace Road to the protesters who marched on till Jal Vihar. According to the Police, the protesters torched two police vehicles at People's Plaza on the Necklace Road.[117] The mobs also set afire three police vehicles, a couple of media outdoor broadcasting vans, machinery and a temporary cabin room of a construction company.[118] The protesters made an attempt to set on fire a local train at Khairatabad station.[114] At the railway’s Hussainsagar junction cabin, around 1,000 Telangana supporters went on a rampage overpowering over 100 uniformed men stationed in the area and burnt down the cabin after manhandling railway staff. The entire signalling system was damaged and officials pegged the loss at around Rs. 60 lakh.[119]
All Telugu news channels covering the March were blocked by police for some time. The move was apparently aimed at preventing the spread of violence to other parts of the city.[117]
In his address to the crowds, M. Kodandaram said that peaceful and disciplined soldiers were fighting for the Telangana statehood. He said that they did not want to indulge in any kind of violence, in spite of hurdles being put up by the police to prevent people attending the March. He also alleged that some conspirators from other regions of the state had already infiltrated and trying to create violence and throw the blame on the protestors. He appealed not to destroy public properties, attack or manhandle media-persons.[120]
After 7pm, TJAC leaders violated the deadline and refused to leave the venue till the government issues a statement on Telangana.[121] Police first used water cannons and later lobbed tear gas shells on the crowd and on to the stage to force the protestors to leave the venue.[122] Finally at midnight the JAC called off the March citing heavy rain and injured supporters. Seeing an helicopter circle over the venue for few times, some protestors speculated that the government used cloud seeding to cause heavy rains.[123] The TJAC declared a bandh for the next two days and vowed to launch a hunger strike across the region.[124] They also announced that the agitation would take a serious turn, if the police continued to use repression to stop them. Kodandaram demanded the resignation of ministers from the region and force them to pressurize the Central government to grant the separate state.[118][125] Police officials claimed that the obstacles put by them made it possible to reduce number of protestors which otherwise would have been running up to many lakhs.[98][126]
Aftermath
The next day, Local police registered 15 cases against Kodandaram and others for conducting the march beyond the permitted time of 7 pm and till midnight and also for violence during the march. Railway police also registered cases against unidentified persons for damage to the signalling system at Lakdikapul. The cases have been booked for unlawful assembly, rioting, arson, mischief with fire and criminal conspiracy. In some cases, Sections dealing with attempt to murder have been included as several policemen, including an IPS official, were injured. Cases were booked against the student leaders of TSJAC, OUJAC, Telangana Vidyarti Parishad and TVV.[119] The bandh drew little response in Hyderabad and was partial in Telangana districts. Osmania University students again resorted to stone throwing and police retaliated by using tear gas shells.[127][128]TJAC convenor Swamy Goud claimed that they failed to lead the rally effectively and that they could have been more assertive to regulate mischievous elements. They claimed that this experience has shown the need to have a stronger leadership, and appealed to KCR to lead from the front.[129] He later joined the TRS and KCR announced him as their party MLC candidate for the forthcoming elections in the region.[130]
All Party meeting in December 2012
On December 28, 2012 a meeting was organized by Sushilkumar Shinde, Home minister of India to discuss the Telangana issue. It was atteneded by 8 political parties having significant presence in the state legislature. After hearing views of all the parties, the home minister said that this will be the last such meeting on this issue and that the government will come up with a decision within 30 days. In the meeting, MIM & CPI(M) reiterated their strong opposition to divsion of the state. YSR Congress remained neutral and requested the central government to take a decision. Congress representatives gave conflicting views, one supporting the division & one opposing it.[131] [132] [133] TDP representatives gave a letter signed by its president which said that it never withdrawn its letter to Pranab Mukharjee in 2008 supporting Telangana state formation.[134] Telangana JAC demanaded more clarity from Telugu Desam before they allow TDP to be a member of JAC.[135]Madras Presidency
Then Northern Circars became part of the British Madras Presidency. Eventually that region emerged as Coastal Andhra region. Later, the Nizam had ceded 5 territories (Datta Madalālu) to British which eventually emerged as Rayalaseema region. The Nizams retained control of the interior provinces as the Princely state of Hyderabad, acknowledging British rule in return for local autonomy.The provinces were at the time governed in a feudal manner, with Zamindars in areas such as Kulla and other parts of the Godavari acting as lords under the Nizam. The feudal or zamindari system was removed after independence.
Telugu Districts in Madras Presidency
- Vizagapatam (later Srikakulam, Vizianagaram and Visakhapatnam districts)
- Godavari (later East Godavari district)
- Machilipatnam (later Guntur, Krishna and West Godavari Districts)
- Kurnool
- Nellore
- Cuddapah
- Anantapur
- Ongole
Zamindaris in Famous Madaras state
Zamindaris in Famous Madaras state is Ruled by Padamanayakas
- Bobbili Ruled by Rao Kings
- Vavilavalasa Inuganty kings
- Siripuram Inuganty kings
- PAlakonda
- Kirlampudi
- Kasimkota
- Annavaram
- Nuzuveedu
- Mylavaram
- Guraja
- Srikalahasthi
- Polavaram
- Venkatagiri
- Pithapuram
Post-independence
India became independent from the United Kingdom in 1947. The Muslim Nizam of Hyderabad wanted to retain his independence from India, he was forced accede his state to India in 1948 as the Hyderabad State. When India became independent, the Telugu-speaking people (although Urdu is spoken in some parts of Hyderabad and in few other districts of Telangana) were distributed in about 22 districts, 9 of them in the Telangana region of Nizam's Dominions (Hyderabad State) and 12 in the Madras Presidency and one in French controlled Yanam. Andhra State was the first state in India that has been formed on a purely linguistic basis by carving it out from Madras Province in 1953. Andhra State was later merged with Telugu speaking area of Hyderabad (Telangana) to create Andhra Pradesh state in 1956. In 1954, Yanam (India) was liberated and it was merged with Pondicherry in 1963.
See also: Telengana Rebellion
Madras Manade movement
However, in 1953, Telugu speakers of Madras Presidency wanted Madras as the capital of Andhra state including the famous slogan "Madras Manade" (Madras is ours) before Tirupati was included in Andhra Pradesh. Madras at that time was an indivisible mixture of Tamil and Telugu cultures. It was difficult to determine who should possess it. Panagal Raja, Chief Minister of the Madras Presidency, in the early 1920s said that the Cooum River should be kept as a boundary, giving the northern portion to the Andhras and the southern portion to the Tamils. In 1928, Sir C. Sankaran Nair sent a report to the Central Council discussing why Madras does not belong to the Tamils. But finally, it was decided that Madras would remain in the Tamil region. According to the JPC report, (Jawahar Lal Nehru, Bhogaraju Pattabhi Sitaramayya, C. Rajagopalachari) Telugu people should leave Madras for Tamils if they want a new state.Creation of Andhra State
In an effort to protect the interests of the Telugu people of Madras state, Amarajeevi Potti Sriramulu attempted to force the Madras Presidency government to listen to public demands for the separation of Telugu speaking districts (Rayalaseema and Coastal Andhra) from Madras Presidency to form the Andhra state. He went on a lengthy fast, and only stopped when Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru promised to form Andhra state. However, there was no movement on the issue for a long time. He started fasting again for attaining statehood for Andhra in Maharshi Bulusu Sambamurthy's house in Madras on 19 October 1952. It started off without fanfare but steadily caught people's imagination despite the disavowal of the fast by the Andhra Congress committee.The government of the day however did not make a clear statement about the formation of a new state despite several strikes and demonstrations by Telugu people. On the midnight of 15 December (i.e. early 16 December 1952), Potti Sriramulu died and laid down his life trying to achieve his objective.
In his death procession, people shouted slogans praising his sacrifice. When the procession reached Mount Road, thousands of people joined and raised slogans hailing Sriramulu. Later, they went into a frenzy and resorted to destruction of public property. The news spread like wildfire and created an uproar among the people in far off places like Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam, Vijayawada, Eluru, Guntur, Tenali, Ongole and Nellore. Seven people were killed in police firing in Anakapalle and Vijayawada. The popular agitation continued for three to four days disrupting normal life in Madras and Andhra regions. On 19 December 1952, the Prime Minister of the country Jawaharlal Nehru made an announcement about formation of a separate state for Telugu speaking people of Madras Presidency.
House no. 126, Royapettah high road, Mylapore, Madras is the address of the house where Potti Sriramulu died and it has been preserved as a monument of importance by the state government of Andhra Pradesh.
On the basis of an agitation, on October 1, 1953, 11 districts in the Telugu-speaking portion of Madras State (Coastal Andhra and Rayala Seema) voted to become the new state of Andhra State with Kurnool as the capital. Andhra Kesari Tanguturi Prakasam Pantulu became first Chief Minister of thus formed Telugu State.
The formation of linguistic states is the single most important event in the history of South Indian languages, as it provided an opportunity for these languages to develop independently, each of them having a state to support.
Merger of Telangana and Andhra
In December 1953, the States Reorganization Commission was appointed to prepare for the creation of states on linguistic lines.[23] The commission, due to public demand, recommended disintegration of Hyderabad state and to merge Marathi speaking region with Bombay state and Kannada speaking region with Mysore state. The States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) was not in favour of an immediate merger of Telugu speaking Telangana region of Hyderabad state with Andhra state, despite their common language. Para 378 of the SRC report said "One of the principal causes of opposition of Vishalandhra also seems to be the apprehension felt by the educationally backward people of Telangana that they may be swamped and exploited by the more advanced people of the coastal areas."The Chief Minister of Hyderabad State, Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, expressed his view that a majority of Telangana people were against the merger.[24] He supported the Congress party's central leadership decision to merge Telangana and Andhra despite opposition in Telangana.[25][26] Andhra state assembly passed a resolution on 25 November 1955 to provide safeguards to Telangana. The resolution said, "Assembly would further like to assure the people in Telangana that the development of that area would be deemed to be special charge, and that certain priorities and special protection will be given for the improvement of that area, such as reservation in services and educational institutions on the basis of population and irrigational development."[27] Telangana leaders did not believe the safeguards would work.[28][29] With lobbying from Andhra Congress leaders and with pressure from the Central leadership of Congress party, an agreement was reached between Telangana leaders and Andhra leaders on 20 February 1956 to merge Telangana and Andhra with promises to safeguard Telangana's interests.[30][31]
Andhra state and Telangana was merged to form Andhra Pradesh state on 1 November 1956 after providing safeguards to Telangana in the form of Gentlemen's agreement.
Separate Telangana movement
Main article: Telangana movement
There have several movements to invalidate the merger of Telangana
and Andhra, major ones occurring in 1969, 1972 and 2000s onwards. The Telangana movement
gained momentum over decades becoming a widespread political demand of
creating a new state from the Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh.[32]Proponents of a separate Telangana state feel that the agreements, plans, and assurances from the legislature and Lok Sabha over the last fifty years have not been honoured, and as a consequence Telangana has remained neglected, exploited, and backward. They allege that the experiment of Andhra Pradesh to remain as one state has proven to be a futile exercise and that separation is the best solution.[33][34][35]
On December 9, 2009, Government of India announced process of formation of Telangana state. Due to objections raised in Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions immediately after the announcement, and due to the agitation in those regions for 14 days, the decision to form to new state was put on hold on December 23, 2009. The movement continues in Hyderabad and other districts of Telangana.[36]
References
Wikimedia Commons has media related to: History of Andhra Pradesh |
- ^ http://www.archive.org/stream/ancientindiantri032697mbp#page/n105/mode/2up
- ^ Buddha's Preaching of the Kalachakra Tantra at the Stupa of Dhanyakataka, H. Hoffman, in: German Scholars on India, Vol. I, 1973, PP. 136-140, Varanasi
- ^ Taranatha; http://www.kalacakra.org/history/khistor2.htm
- ^ The History of Andhras, Durga Prasad (http://igmlnet.uohyd.ernet.in:8000/gw_44_5/hi-res/hcu_images/G2.pdf
- ^ Ancient India by Megasthenes and Arrian; Translated and edited by J. W. McCrindle, Calcutta and Bombay: Thacker, Spink, 1877, p. 30-174
- ^ Pre-colonial India in Practice, Cynthia Talbot, 2001, Oxford University Press, p. 181, ISBN 0-19-513661-6
- ^ Sarma, M. Somasekhara; A Forgotten Chapter of Andhra History 1945, Andhra University, Waltair
- ^ History of the Andhras up to 1565 A. D., Durga Prasad, 1988, p. 168
- ^ A Forgotten Chapter of Andhra History, M. Somasekhara Sarma, 1945, Andhra University, Waltair
- ^ Pre-colonial India in Practice, Cynthia Talbot, 2001, Oxford University Press, pp.177-182, ISBN 0-19-513661-6
- ^ Administration and Society in Medieval Andhra (AD. 1038-1538), C. V. Ramachandra Rao, 1976, Manasa Publications, p.36
- ^ Pre-colonial India in Practice, Cynthia Talbot, 2001, Oxford University Press, pp.177, ISBN 0-19-513661-6
- ^ a b Eṃ Kulaśēkhararāvu (1988). A history of Telugu literature. For copies, M. Indira Devi. p. 96. Retrieved 9 July 2011.
- ^ a b Government Of Madras Staff; Government of Madras (1 January 2004). Gazetteer of the Nellore District: brought upto 1938. Asian Educational Services. p. 51. ISBN 978-81-206-1851-0. Retrieved 1 July 2011.
- ^ a b c Gordon Mackenzie (1990). A manual of the Kistna district in the presidency of Madras. Asian Educational Services. pp. 9-. ISBN 978-81-206-0544-2. Retrieved 7 July 2011.
- ^ a b K. V. Narayana Rao (1973). The emergence of Andhra Pradesh. Popular Prakashan. p. 4. Retrieved 9 July 2011.
- ^ Pran Nath Chopra (1982). Religions and communities of India. Vision Books. p. 136. Retrieved 4 July 2011.
- ^ M. D. Muthukumaraswamy; Molly Kaushal; Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts; National Folklore Support Centre (India) (2004). Folklore, public sphere, and civil society. NFSC www.indianfolklore.org. pp. 198–. ISBN 978-81-901481-4-6. Retrieved 5 July 2011.
- ^ Mallampalli Somasekhara Sarma; Mallampalli Sōmaśēkharaśarma (1948). History of the Reddi kingdoms (circa. 1325 A.D. to circa 1448 A.D.). Andhra University. Retrieved 8 July 2011.
- ^ Andhrula Sanghika Charitra, Suravaram Pratapa Reddy, (in Telugu)
- ^ A Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India By Robert Sewell
- ^ Sheldon I. Pollock (2003). Literary cultures in history: reconstructions from South Asia. University of California Press. pp. 385–. ISBN 978-0-520-22821-4. Retrieved 8 July 2011.
- ^ "SRC submits report". The Hindu (Chennai, India). 1 October 2005. Retrieved 9 October 2011.
- ^ Hyderabad CM's Views on merger
- ^ "Opposition to Telangana Andhra merger". Retrieved 27 September 2012.
- ^ "Pro-Telangana crowd mob Andhra ex-minister at airport; Hyderabad CM appeal to people: Abide by High command decision - Page 8 of Nov 16, 1955 Indian Express". News.google.com. 1955-11-16. Retrieved 2011-10-09.
- ^ "Vishandhra here and now. Special safeguards for Telangana. -Govt motion in Andhra Assembly - Page 5 of Nov 26, 1955 Indian Express". News.google.com. 1955-11-26. Retrieved 2011-10-09.
- ^ "No belief in Safeguards: Hyderabad PCC chief. - Page 4 of Nov 21, 1955 Indian Express". News.google.com. 1955-11-21. Retrieved 2011-10-09.
- ^ "Telangana Leaders must Adhere to Delhi Resolution - High command advise; High command has open mind, Claims Chenna Reddi - Plea for Telangana - Page 7 of Nov 27, 1955 Indian Express". News.google.com. 1955-11-27. Retrieved 2011-10-09.
- ^ "SRC sub committee said no decision on Visalandhra taken.- Page 1 of Feb 1, 1956 Indian Express". News.google.com. 1956-02-01. Retrieved 2011-10-09.
- ^ "New Telugu state to be called Hyderabad. Regional council for Telangana. - Page 1 of Feb 21, 1956 Indian Express". News.google.com. 1956-02-21. Retrieved 2011-10-09.
- ^ "How Telangana movement has sparked political turf war in Andhra". Rediff.com. 5 October 2011. Retrieved 19 February 2012.
- ^ "Telangana Development Forum-USA". Telangana.org. Retrieved 14 September 2010.
- ^ "Still seeking justice(30min video)". Google. Retrieved 13 January 2012.
- ^ http://planningcommission.nic.in/reports/sereport/ser/std_pattrnAP.pdf
- ^ "Pro-Telangana AP govt employees threaten agitation". The Economic Times. 10 February 2012. Retrieved 18 February 2012.
External links
- Telanaga movement article in US Library of Congress
- Planning Commission Study of Andhra Pradesh's Development and Regional in balances
- 2004 elections
- "Valley of stupas" Photograph and text: Benoy K Beh
IF YOU CAN GO THROUGH THIS PARTICULAR PDF FILE THEN U WILL COME TO KNOW THE DETAILS OF COMMITTEES AND COMMISSIONS ........THIS IS THE LINK OK.....
http://books.google.co.in/books?id=mISVwxcF5asC&q=Andhra+Pradesh&source=gbs_word_cloud_r&cad=6#v=snippet&q=Andhra%20Pradesh&f=false
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